Friday, 14 March 2025

The World in March 2025: Justice, Complexity, and Pluralism Amid Global Strife

 

The World in March 2025

As of March 14, 2025, the world teeters on edges of conflict and fragile diplomacy, from Ukraine’s ceasefire talks to Syria’s sectarian bloodshed. My works—sovereignty conflicts and distributive justice (2017), territorial disputes (2020), and cosmopolitanism, state sovereignty and pluralist theory (2023)—frame this landscape, evaluating how sovereignty’s rigidity shapes crises and testing the UN and ICC’s effectiveness in resolving them. Below, I survey key regions and institutions, seeking paths beyond entrenched divides.

The U.S. under Trump pivots globally—his 30-day Ukraine ceasefire (Reuters, March 11) with intelligence and arms (Axios) pressures Russia, while his Greenland claim (AP News, January) stirs debate. My 2017 justice lens asks: who gets this strategic turf? Canada’s Mark Carney, PM-elect (ABC News), braces for U.S. trade talks (NPR), and Greenland’s 56,000 resist annexation (AP News). My 2020 complexity sees rational Arctic plays, empirical stakes (ice loss, NOAA), and axiological sovereignty clashes. My 2023 pluralism flags a multi-agent web—U.S., Canada, Denmark—where co-sovereignty could ease tensions, but Trump’s unilateralism tests it.

Latin America wrestles with sovereignty’s costs. Mexico’s cartel violence—200,000 deaths in five years (ACLED)—defies justice (2017), as security eludes citizens. Brazil’s militias and Amazon disputes (CNN) under Lula mirror this, while Argentina’s VAT hikes (ABC News) post-2022 World Cup (NPR) strain fairness. My 2020 complexity notes governance gaps, rising violence (15%, ACLED), and identity struggles. My 2023 pluralism sees U.S.-China rivalry (Brazil’s trade, Interaction Council)—co-governance could stabilize, but rigid borders endure.

The Middle East simmers with conflict. Israel’s 300+ Syria strikes (Al Jazeera) and Palestine’s 39,787 deaths since 2023 (ACLED) pit security against survival—my 2017 justice unfulfilled. Turkey backs HTS in Syria (WSJ), where 200+ died since March 6 (SOHR), with Iran pledging $2 billion (WSJ) and Iraq facing 80% oil export cuts (ABC News). My 2020 complexity maps legal breaches (UN norms), empirical tolls (162 Alawite executions, BBC), and value clashes (Sharia, X@magaXmahagirl). My 2023 pluralism sees a web—U.S., Russia, Iran—where co-sovereignty (coastal zones) could work, but rigid mindsets prevail.

Russia’s Ukraine war—233,000 deaths (ACLED)—meets Trump’s ceasefire (NBC), with Kyiv gaining intelligence (The Guardian) and Russia holding Kursk (100+ km², The Times). My 2017 justice pits Ukraine’s UN-backed sovereignty (Article 51) against Russia’s 20% claim (Independent)—an unfair split. My 2020 complexity notes informal talks (no UN mandate), battlefield deadlock (70% defenses gone, NYT), and democratic-autocratic rift. My 2023 pluralism sees U.S., EU (Starmer’s coalition, Reuters), and Saudi roles (NYT)—co-sovereignty (Donbas buffer) is viable, but Putin’s edge (North Korean aid, CNN) resists.

Europe counters Russia and Trump. The UK’s £2.26 billion Ukraine loan (uk.liveuamap), France’s Macron at summits (Sky News), and Germany’s defense push (NPR) show unity. My 2017 justice asks: who funds peace—EU’s $50 billion (Reuters) or Russia’s assets (Foreign Affairs)? My 2020 complexity flags rational cohesion, empirical strain (127,350 measles cases, ABC News), and democratic values. My 2023 pluralism sees a multi-agent bloc—co-sovereignty with Ukraine could bind, but Trump’s Greenland talk (AP News) tests it.

Asia’s tensions rise—China’s 50+ icebreakers (World Economic Forum) and Taiwan’s defiance (ABC News) clash in the South China Sea. India’s Kashmir skirmishes with Pakistan (liveuamap) and China’s Pacific claims (Interaction Council) defy my 2017 justice—resources stay contested. My 2020 complexity notes legal disputes (UNCLOS), militarization (drones, Vision of Humanity), and value friction. My 2023 pluralism sees India, China, Pakistan in a U.S.-Japan web—co-sovereignty (shared seas) could ease, but rigidity holds.

Africa’s 2 billion face conflict—Sudan’s toll (ACLED), Ethiopia’s Tigray coup (ABC News), and Kenya’s elephant clashes (NPR). My 2017 justice questions peacekeeper exits (Congo, ABC News)—who protects? My 2020 complexity sees governance gaps, 200,000 deaths (ACLED), and survival struggles. My 2023 pluralism flags AU-UN roles—co-sovereignty (regional zones) could aid, but fragmentation (170 Myanmar groups, ACLED) mirrors Africa’s plight.

Australia, linked to Three Seas (Atlantic Council), eyes Asia. My 2017 justice sees its trade fairness (CNN), 2020 complexity notes alliances (U.S.), empirical calm, and democratic values. My 2023 pluralism positions it in an Indo-Pacific web—co-sovereignty could shape norms, but China looms.

The Arctic’s 2.5 million km² ice loss (NOAA) and Russia’s 50+ icebreakers (World Economic Forum) meet Trump’s Greenland bid (AP News). My 2017 justice asks: who claims this? Antarctica’s neutrality (Transantarctic range, geology.com) contrasts—my 2020 complexity sees rational claims (UNCLOS), empirical stakes (90 billion barrels, USGS), and preservation vs. exploitation. My 2023 pluralism envisions multi-agent governance—rigid sovereignty stalls it. In fact, I explore the situation in Antarctica in detail in my forthcoming book Territorial Disputes in the Americas: International Law and Politics (Routledge, Taylor & Francis, forthcoming 2025/26).

The UN and ICC falter in conflict resolution. The UN’s Ukraine ceasefire lacks teeth (no mandate, Reuters), and Syria’s 200+ deaths (SOHR) defy resolutions—my 2017 justice sees enforcement gaps costing lives (162 executions, BBC). My 2020 complexity notes rational intent (Charter), empirical limits (vetoes, 45 U.S. since 1970), and axiological peace vs. power. The ICC’s Putin warrant (2023, ICC) stalls—Russia’s non-membership and no trials (NPR) show legal reach but no grip. My 2023 pluralism sees multi-agent roles—UN, ICC, states—needing co-sovereignty (shared enforcement), but state resistance (U.S. non-signatory, ICC) and rigid norms weaken them.

March 2025 reflects my works—justice splits (U.S.-Russia, Israel-Iran), complexity deepens (Ukraine, Middle East), and pluralism strains (EU, UN). The UN and ICC flounder—Ukraine’s talks (NYT) and Syria’s chaos (Al Jazeera) expose limits. My co-sovereignty—Donbas buffers, Black Sea zones—offers paths, but rigid mindsets (Putin’s empire, Trump’s whims) block progress. My research urges rethinking—this moment demands it.

My series, The Borders We Share, launched March 4, 2025, probes these divides. My latest post (https://drjorge.world/2025/03/11/the-borders-we-share-khemeds-oil-crimeas-shadow-post-2/) ties Crimea’s 2014 shadow—2 million under Russia—to Ukraine’s fight, blending fiction (Khemed’s oil) and reality. I advocate co-sovereignty to heal—readers are invited to explore these shared edges, from Black Sea to Arctic, where 2025’s fate unfolds. Next week, Post #3: Sherlock’s Docks, Ireland’s Edge: Clues to Equal Ground (i.e. Imagine Sherlock Holmes untangling a dockside brawl over fish and fog—then picture Northern Ireland’s border after Brexit, a real-life riddle of fences and feelings).

State Sovereignty: Concept and Conceptions (OPEN ACCESS) (IJSL 2024)

AMAZON

ROUTLEDGE, TAYLOR & FRANCIS

Friday 14th March 2025

Dr Jorge Emilio Núñez

X (formerly, Twitter): https://x.com/DrJorge_World

https://drjorge.world

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