Showing posts with label America Latina. Show all posts
Showing posts with label America Latina. Show all posts

Friday, 15 September 2023

Territorial disputes in the Americas: A brief multidimensional view

 


Territorial disputes and a multidimensional view

Territorial disputes are a clear example of the zero-sum game played by the claimed and claiming agents, who feed their differences rather than recognizing their affinities. Current global events such as COVID-19 clearly show the necessity for a coherent, cohesive and comprehensive response to crises. World leaders and organizations are failing to address global issues in an efficient manner. In a similar vein, legal, political and international relations scholars assert dead-end arguments; futile hermeneutical, technical, conceptual and theoretical discussions; and seem oblivious to the urgency that crises present. Current and ongoing crises as well as the exacerbation of pre-existing conditions require urgency. The impact on legal and socio-political inequalities; economic ramifications of crises and the prospect for recovery depending on places and social characteristics such as gender, ethnicity, age, skill-levels, local government-support, etc.; and the effects on the environment require immediate attention.

The legal, political and international relations disciplines offer various potential remedies, procedures and organizations to deal with crises and solve these problems.  Although these remedies, procedures and organizations are useful in certain situations, it is indisputable that they are ineffective at peacefully and permanently handling crises. If and when current models fail or consistently fall short of addressing global changes and crises, a requisite paradigm shift should be implemented. COVID-19 is one of several indicators that prove mankind as a whole needs to reframe crises, reassess situations and discard the frames of past paradigms. The outcomes of current fragmented and unidimensional analyses and responses to crises (as a result of the science of reference and its methodology and the agent in question, such as individuals, communities and states) cannot but have a limited significance in theory and practice.

This monograph entitled Cosmopolitanism, State Sovereignty and International Law and Politics: A Theory (Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group 2023/24) introduces a multidimensional analysis that assesses the phenomena of pluralism of pluralisms. A pluralism of pluralism means the acknowledgment of a variety of agents (individuals, communities and states) that may play different roles in their interrelations (host, participant, attendees and viewers), and hence, the recognition of the plurality of subjects at play. Furthermore, these agents and players may act within several contexts (local, regional and international) and their interrelations simultaneously exist in three realms (rational, empirical and axiological). To add to this intricacy, the many views (law, politics, philosophy and non-scientific theories) about agents, players, contexts and realms contain both a horizontal and vertical dimension that should take into account the two variables of time and space.

In its predecessor, Territorial Disputes and State Sovereignty: International Law and Politics (Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group 2020), the author used this multidimensional view to assess and explain several territorial disputes, including those in the Americas.

All major territorial differences in the Americas have their roots in the colonial period. Colonialism resulted in artificial borders in America. Formerly cohesive communities were divided or decimated. It is a fact some of these communities had relations that were far from peaceful before colonial times. Yet, it is also true that some areas have been in constant struggle since then. Territorial disputes (inter-states and within the newly formed states) have translated into poverty, humanitarian crisis, arms trafficking, guerrilla activity, and many more negative outcomes.

The Europeans fixed American boundaries based on European political considerations, and usually without regard to tribal and ethnological factors. As a result of the European partition, several American boundaries grouped together different ethnic groups in a single state, divided ethnic or national groups, or created a state with physical characteristics that hindered social, political or economic stability.

There are three clear periods that distinguish how the territory in the Americas was divided before the European intervention: sociologically, between the European dominance of the continent and American states independence; politically, only centered on European interests; and after each individual state in the Americas achieved different forms of self-government.

The population in the New World was between 54 and 112 million in Pre-Columbian times. However, by the time of colonization, fewer than 10 million indigenous people survived.

The populations were either part of great empires¾i.e. Aztecs, Mayas and Incas¾or formed disseminated tribes. In all cases, the geographical distribution had to do with a religious component tied to basic needs such as the provision of food, safe surroundings, and access to water. Some populations achieved a highly advanced development in terms of language, beliefs, sciences, social fairness, economy, and politics.

In terms of borders, there were already territorial disputes mainly in cases of expansion. Some of the populations were more prone to territorial conquest than others.

With little regard to the original occupants of the land, the European colonial times marked a change in the socio-political dynamics across the Americas. Although English, French, Dutch, Portuguese and Spanish conquests have their own peculiarities in the way they dealt with local populations, all cases resulted in a profound change. The former Aztec, Mayan and Incan Empires were dismantled and many tribes simply became extinct.

In terms of territorial definition, European rulers created borders using European understanding of concepts such as sovereignty and state. See, for example, the Papal bulls of Alexander VI Inter caetera, Inter caetera II, Eximiae devotionis and Dudum siquidem. Inter caetera grants the Spanish monarchs sovereignty erga omnes over the territories to the west in the Americas while Inter caetera explicitly includes Portuguese sovereignty and a line of demarcation. Unsurprisingly, none of these documents mention the indigenous population.

The states formed after colonial times applied the principle of uti possidetis juris by which they assumed to have sovereignty over their formerly-colonial areas. Nevertheless, these previously “settled” borders proved to be unclear or non-existent and generated competing claims that resulted in territorial disputes.

At this stage, the Monroe, Calvo and Drago doctrines were central to preventing the formerly colonial powers from interfering with the newly formed states in the Americas. The Monroe Doctrine appeared in the 19th century when European states intended to recover their colonies in the Americas. The President of the United States proclaimed in one of his speeches (December 2, 1823) what later would be considered basic principles of public international public: a) no colonization, b) non-intervention of European states in the affairs of America, and c) reciprocal non-intervention in European affairs. The Calvo and Drago doctrines are similar in that they prohibit the intervention of a sovereign state if the purpose of that intervention is solely to oblige that the target state to fulfil its international financial obligations. They are also referred to European intervention in American countries and their internal affairs (specifically, Venezuela and its international public debt in 1901).

In Territorial Disputes and State Sovereignty: International Law and Politics (Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group 2020), the author includes in the analysis relevant references and several case studies: The Falklands/Malvinas Islands, the Mexico–United States border, Guantanamo bay, the Caribbean, Amazonia, indigenous rights and territorial claims over Antarctica.

A new paradigm

Cosmopolitanism, State Sovereignty and International Law and Politics: A Theory (Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group 2023/24) sketches a reconceived way of an approach to understanding the relationship between individuals, communities and states. Indeed, in order to coordinate separate and sovereign legal systems, additional and continued research is a task that deserves further exploration. The chapters attempt to take the first steps in creating that path.

Territorial disputes at large are an example of crises in which both sovereignty and cosmopolitanism play a defining role. As a whole, the monograph shows the complexity present in issues that include different agents in order to make evident a crucial point, often ignored or neglected: The apparent tension between sovereignty and cosmopolitanism may be more thoroughly and adequately considered, and arguably resolved, if the scholarly exploration embraces a multidimensional approach. Undoubtedly, it may be the case that a particular agent, their role, a context, a realm or a mode of existence is more significant than the other pluralities or their subgroups with regard to a singular case that compromises sovereignty and cosmopolitanism. Nevertheless, it is in the multidimensional understanding as multi-agent, multi-contextual, multi-realm and multi-existence nature of these issues that a more robust account of their intricacies can be achieved. Therefore, by having a more robust account of their intricacies, it may be possible to reimagine in theory, and hopefully, in practice, a way of dealing with them peacefully and permanently.

The complexity sovereignty and cosmopolitanism presents is challenging. By accepting the fact that states will not forfeit their sovereignty and that individuals should have a minimum set of guarantees protected by law regardless of their individual circumstances, this monograph argues for positive law cosmopolitanism. States could retain their sovereignty and at the same time individuals would enjoy a minimum set of legal guarantees recognized beyond jurisdictional differences.

Friday 15th September 2023

Dr Jorge Emilio Núñez

Twitter: @DrJorge_World

https://drjorge.world

Friday, 8 May 2020

COVID19: Thank you on behalf of Fundação Angelica Goulart


The video and message below come from Fundação Angelica Goulart (Pedra de Guaratiba, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil). On behalf of our Fundação, THANK YOU! OBRIGADO! GRACIAS!


Dear all,
First and most importantly:
If you can, stay home
If you need to go out, USE MASKS.
WHENEVER POSSIBLE, WASH YOUR HANDS


Our emergency action plan has just completed a month and the baskets continue to help soften the crisis that the families in Guaratiba are going through.


Throughout this month, we've received several donations: financial, hydroponics, Easter eggs, basic baskets, personal hygiene kits and for the house and eggs (detail information on the video).
All these donations were distributed at the Foundation to more than 1300 families and more than 5000 people.
We follow strict hygiene, health and safety protocols, ensuring that donations were available to families quickly.
To the donors and volunteers, all our gratitude. This action was only possible by the partnership and solidarity
@instituto_phi
@institutoekloo
@bancodaprovidenci
@cacaushow
@begreen.farm
@loreal_brasil
and to several people who have made financial donations in cash or via the internet (see video for details about how you may help us help others).
We're still working: the very basic for those who need it the most.
Follow us on social media and join us.
Help us help others.
THANKS! OBRIGADO! GRACIAS!
Fundação Angelica Goulart

Friday, 4 May 2018

Open letter to the people and governments of Latin America



Latin America for the Latin Americans: the case of Venezuela

The crisis in Venezuela is already spilling across the borders and putting pressure on neighbouring governments, such as Colombia and Brazil, and researchers at The University of Manchester have predicted that Venezuela’s recent election will provoke further regional migration crises. Latin American leaders need to understand this humanitarian crisis as a regional problem and come together to explore ways of protecting Venezuelans and deal with it regionally, without the interference of non-Latin American States.
 

Latin America for the Latin Americans

This regional and multilateral approach has its basis in the Monroe Doctrine, also known as “America for the Americans”, which is embodied in the legal framework of the Rio Treaty and the Organisation of American States (OAS). This doctrine was first proclaimed in 1823 by the United States President, James Monroe, to protect the newly independent Latin American states from European interventionist and recolonising plans.

Since this time, and especially during the Cold War, the doctrine has been interpreted differently to support interventions in Latin America to protect regional interests, ranging from unilateral interventions by the United States to multilateral interventions supported by the OAS. In Venezuelan’s current climate, this doctrine needs to be invoked in a way that reflects the principles stipulated in its original form: the political and territorial inviolability of Latin-American nations and non-intervention by powers outside the Latin-American hemisphere. Invoking the doctrine in this way would, perhaps, be better understood as “Latin-America for the Latin-Americans”.


Public International Law

Traditional public international law regards States as equal legal entities. The Charter of the United Nations (article 2.4) and the Charter of the OAS (articles 17 and 20) expressly state that the territory of a State is inviolable and that States shall refrain from resorting to threats or use of force between them. However, the most recent principles of public international law of responsibility to protect and of humanitarian intervention allow the use of force, under certain requirements, against sovereign States to protect civilians from violations of their human rights.

Despite the good intentions of the new international law institutions, there are several cases in which classical powers have used force with seemingly justifiable ends, but which resulted in the legitimisation of neo-colonial actions on less powerful States. Examples such as Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan clearly show that, despite human rights-based justifications, interventions by States outside the region, far from achieving peace and international and local security, aggravated the situation both internally and regionally.

So how can we honour the principles of territorial integrity, equality amongst sovereign States, and the responsibility to protect without legitimising dubious interventions?


 
The Peruvian Solution

Early in 2017, the Peruvian government created the Temporary Permit of Permanence (PTP) to protect the rights of Venezuelans who have been forced to migrate because of the political and humanitarian crisis in their country. More than 11,000 Venezuelans received the PTP between February and July 2017.  The PTP allows Venezuelans who have entered Peru legally to legitimise their stay in the country, enabling them to work and access services such as health and education, and even to revalidate university degrees. It also allows them to obtain a Unique Taxpayer Registry Number (RUC) to carry out economic activities and make tax contributions. The PTP is initially valid for one year but can be extended to give Venezuelans the opportunity to qualify for citizenship. This initiative substantially improves the living conditions of Venezuelan migrants.


The PTP is consistent with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights’ (IACHR) recommendations, which urge American states to implement measures to protect Venezuelan migrants. Therefore, the PTP upholds the principle of equality and non-discrimination in its protection of the rights of Venezuelan migrants in Peru.

The IACHR has held up the PTP as an example for the region and has urged other OAS member states to adopt similar measures within a framework of shared responsibility. Colombia has now followed suit and approved a Special Permit of Permanence (PEP) for Venezuelans who entered the country legally.

The PTP is an intermediate solution which respects Venezuela’s territorial integrity and national sovereignty whilst ensuring both the protection of human rights and non-interference of agents from outside the Latin-American region. We ask the people in Latin-American region and our governments to follow in the footsteps of Peru and Colombia and collectively secure the wellbeing of our brothers and sisters in Venezuela.



Dawid Bunikowski (Poland)

Jasminka Hasanbegovic (Serbia)

Assya Ostroukh (Barbados)

Roxana Cortina (Perú)

Slavomira Hencekova (Slovakia)

Hellen Parra Florez (Colombia)

Nicola Dimitri (Italy)

Verónica Ichinousqui (Argentina)

Stanley Paulson

(United States)

Philip Edwards (United Kingdom)

William Lucy (United Kingdom)

Pamela Rodríguez (México)

Nuno Ferreira (Portugal)

Leonardo Marchettoni (Italy)

Verónica Rodríguez Blanco (Venezuela)

Patricia Glym Sylva Coelho de Souza (Brazil)

Eleonora Montes Lagunes (México)

Monika Zalewska (Poland)

Gerardo Alberto Gracia Pérez (México)

Jorge Emilio Núñez (Argentina)

 

May 2018

Twitter: @London1701
 
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Carta abierta a los pueblos y gobiernos de América Latina


América Latina para los latinoamericanos: el caso de Venezuela
 
La crisis en Venezuela ya se está extendiendo a través de las fronteras y está ejerciendo presión sobre los gobiernos vecinos, tales como Colombia y Brasil. Al respecto investigadores de la Universidad de Manchester han pronosticado que las recientes elecciones de Venezuela provocarán nuevas crisis migratorias. Los líderes latinoamericanos deben entender esta crisis humanitaria como un problema regional y unirse para explorar formas de proteger a los venezolanos y hacer frente a esta situación sin la interferencia de Estados no latinoamericanos
 
América Latina para los latinoamericanos

Este enfoque regional y multilateral tiene su base en la Doctrina Monroe, también conocida como "América para los americanos", que está incorporada en el marco legal del Tratado de Río y la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA). Esta doctrina fue proclamada por primera vez en 1823 por el presidente de los Estados Unidos, James Monroe, para proteger a los Estados latinoamericanos recién independizados de los planes intervencionistas y recolonizadores europeos.

Desde entonces, y especialmente durante la Guerra Fría, la doctrina ha sido interpretada de manera diferente para apoyar las intervenciones en América Latina para proteger los intereses regionales, desde intervenciones unilaterales de los Estados Unidos hasta intervenciones multilaterales respaldadas por la OEA. En el clima actual venezolano, esta doctrina debe ser invocada de una manera que refleje los principios estipulados en su forma original: la inviolabilidad política y territorial de las naciones latinoamericanas y la no intervención de las potencias fuera del hemisferio latinoamericano. Invocar la doctrina de esta manera, quizás, se entendería mejor como "América Latina para los latinoamericanos."
 
Derecho Internacional Público
 

El derecho internacional público tradicional considera a los Estados como entidades jurídicas iguales. La Carta de las Naciones Unidas (artículo 2.4) y la Carta de la OEA (artículos 17 y 20) expresamente declaran que el territorio de un Estado es inviolable y que los Estados deben abstenerse de recurrir a amenazas o uso de la fuerza entre ellos. Sin embargo, los principios más recientes del derecho internacional público de la responsabilidad de proteger y de la intervención humanitaria permiten el uso de la fuerza, bajo ciertos requisitos, contra los Estados soberanos para proteger a los civiles de las violaciones de sus derechos humanos.


A pesar de las buenas intenciones de las nuevas instituciones de derecho internacional, hay varios casos en que los poderes clásicos han utilizado la fuerza con fines aparentemente justificables, pero que han dado como resultado la legitimación de acciones neocoloniales en Estados menos poderosos. Ejemplos como Siria, Iraq y Afganistán muestran claramente que, a pesar de las justificaciones basadas en los derechos humanos, las intervenciones de los Estados fuera de la región, lejos de lograr la paz y la seguridad internacional y local, agravan la situación tanto interna como regionalmente.

Entonces, ¿cómo podemos honrar los principios de integridad territorial, la igualdad entre los Estados soberanos y la responsabilidad de proteger sin legitimar las intervenciones dudosas?

La solución peruana

A principios de 2017, el gobierno peruano creó el Permiso Temporal de Permanencia (PTP) para proteger los derechos de los venezolanos que se han visto obligados a migrar debido a la crisis política y humanitaria en su país. Más de 11,000 venezolanos recibieron el PTP entre febrero y julio de 2017. El PTP les permite a los venezolanos que ingresaron legalmente a Perú legitimar su estadía en el país, permitiéndoles trabajar y acceder a servicios como salud y educación e incluso revalidar títulos universitarios. También les permite obtener un Número Único de Registro del Contribuyente (RUC) para llevar a cabo actividades económicas y hacer contribuciones tributarias. El PTP es inicialmente válido por un año, pero se puede extender para dar a los venezolanos la oportunidad de calificar para la ciudadanía. Esta iniciativa mejora sustancialmente las condiciones de vida de los migrantes venezolanos.

El PTP es consistente con las recomendaciones de la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CIDH), que instan a los estados americanos a implementar medidas para proteger a los migrantes venezolanos. Por lo tanto, el PTP defiende el principio de igualdad y no discriminación en la protección de los derechos de los migrantes venezolanos en el Perú.

La CIDH ha considerado al PTP como un ejemplo para la región y ha instado a otros Estados miembros de la OEA a adoptar medidas similares dentro de un marco de responsabilidad compartida. Colombia recientemente ha hecho lo mismo y ha aprobado un Permiso Especial de Permanencia (PEP) para los venezolanos que ingresaron legalmente al país.

El PTP es una solución intermedia que respeta la integridad territorial y la soberanía nacional de Venezuela, al tiempo que garantiza tanto la protección de los derechos humanos como la no intervención de agentes externos a la región latinoamericana. Por este intermedio, pedimos a los pueblos de la región y a nuestros gobiernos que sigan los pasos de Perú y Colombia y que, colectivamente, realicen acciones comprometidas destinadas a asegurar el bienestar de nuestros hermanos y hermanas de Venezuela. 
 


Dawid Bunikowski (Poland)
Jasminka Hasanbegovic (Serbia)

Assya Ostroukh (Barbados)

Roxana Cortina (Perú)

Slavomira Hencekova (Slovakia)

Hellen Parra Florez (Colombia)

Nicola Dimitri (Italy)

Verónica Ichinousqui (Argentina)

Stanley Paulson

(United States)

Philip Edwards (United Kingdom)

William Lucy (United Kingdom)

Pamela Rodríguez (México)

Nuno Ferreira (Portugal)

Leonardo Marchettoni (Italy)

Verónica Rodríguez Blanco (Venezuela)

Patricia Glym Sylva Coelho de Souza (Brazil)

Eleonora Montes Lagunes (México)

Monika Zalewska (Poland)

Gerardo Alberto Gracia Pérez (México)

Jorge Emilio Núñez (Argentina)

 

Mayo de 2018


Twitter: @London1701

NOTA: de libre difusión para el lector. Ayúdenos compartiendo con su entorno y por  medios de comunicación social (e.g., Facebook, Twitter, Reddit, Google Plus, LinkedIn, Academia, etc.). GRACIAS.