Monday, 2 March 2026

Territorial Disputes in the Americas [Book Presentation, Madrid, Spain, March 2026]

 

Territorial Disputes in the Americas

Want to master the law and geopolitics of territorial disputes? Curious about why leaders like Obama, Trump, Maduro, and Milei act as they do? Eager to explore what’s at stake in Greenland, the Amazon, the Mexico–United States border, Antarctica, or indigenous peoples’ struggles? Territorial Disputes in the Americas, launching August 20, 2025, is your book (pre-sales via Amazon and Routledge now)! This groundbreaking work uses a multidimensional approach to decode the complex conflicts shaping our continent. Join me for a 10-week journey, with weekly posts diving into each chapter, starting next week with Chapter 1’s bold vision. Let’s spark a global conversation about sovereignty and conflict!

Territorial disputes—from the Falkland/Malvinas Islands to San Andrés—are more pressing than ever, mirroring global crises like Russia-Ukraine. Yet, traditional analyses often rely on unidimensional lenses, prioritizing law or politics while ignoring emotions, nationalism, or indigenous voices. Territorial Disputes in the Americas challenges this, introducing a multidimensional framework that captures disputes’ full complexity. Chapter 1 critiques biases in legal and political sciences, unveiling the pluralism of pluralisms—a concept embracing diverse agents, contexts, and dimensions. This book unlocks the motivations behind leaders like Maduro’s defiance or Trump’s border rhetoric, and issues from Greenland’s strategic disputes to indigenous rights in the Amazon.

The book spans three parts and 10 chapters, applying the multidimensional approach to territorial disputes:

Part 1: Conceptual Foundations

 Chapter 1: Introduction – Defines sovereignty, territorial disputes, and pluralism of pluralisms, advocating a multidimensional approach.

Chapter 2: Sovereignty and Territorial Disputes– Explores sovereignty (factual, normative, axiological), dispute claims, and regional peacebuilding mechanisms.

Chapter 3: Pluralism of Pluralisms and the Multidimensional Approach– Details disputes’ multi-subjective, multi-contextual nature, with linear and nonlinear dimensions.

Part 2: Case Studies in the Americas

 Chapter 4: Common Roots to Territorial Disputes in the Americas– Traces disputes from pre-Columbian to post-independence eras, highlighting colonial legacies.

Chapter 5: Ongoing European Influence in the Americas– Analyzes cases like the Falkland/Malvinas, San Andrés, Hans Island, and Marouini River disputes.

Chapter 6: Neo-colonialism and Colonial Mindset – Examines influence from the US, Russia, China, and India in regional conflicts.

Chapter 7: Americans versus Americans– Covers intra-regional disputes (e.g., Guatemala-Belize, Venezuela-Guyana), including border and resource conflicts.

Chapter 8: Indigenous Rights and Implanted Populations – Explores indigenous claims versus settler colonialism, focusing on self-determination.

Part 3: Synthesis and Future Directions

Chapter 9: Territorial Claims over Antarctica– Applies the multidimensional approach to Antarctica’s claims, involving Latin America and global powers, and provides policy guidelines to protect humanity’s interests.

Chapter 10: Conclusive Remarks, Limitations, and Future Implications– Offers research and policy guidelines for broader applications.

This book redefines territorial disputes by integrating diverse agents (individuals, communities, states), contexts (domestic, regional, international), and factors (legal, political, emotional). It explains, for example why leaders like may fuel national pride or navigate diplomacy cautiously and may choose to perpetuate differences rather than solving them. From Greenland’s geopolitical tensions to indigenous struggles in the Amazon, it tackles multifaceted issues. Objectives include identifying common theoretical elements, evaluating peacebuilding practices (e.g., the 1998 Brasilia Peace Agreement), and proposing guidelines for future research and policy.

Building on my work (Núñez 2017, 2020, 2023), the book uses a modified realist model and case studies. The realist model examines domestic and international variables, while case studies test hypotheses against disputes like the Mexico–United States border or Antarctica’s claims. This dual approach ensures robust, empirically grounded insights.

Sovereignty is dynamic, encompassing factual (de facto), normative (de jure), and axiological (value-based) dimensions. Territorial disputes, narrowly state conflicts over land or water, are broadened to include indigenous and settler claims. For instance, the Falklands/Malvinas reflects Argentina’s identity and Britain’s prestige, while Greenland’s disputes (via Hans Island) involve strategic interests. This book redefines these concepts to decode leaders’ actions, from Trump’s border policies to Maduro’s territorial posturing.

Disputes are multi-subjective (individuals, communities, states), multi-contextual (local, regional, international), and multi-faceted (rational, empirical, axiological). The *pluralism of pluralisms* embraces diverse agents, roles, and dimensions (linear like time, nonlinear like chaotic interactions). For example, the San Andrés dispute involves legal claims, Raizal identity, and Colombia’s strategy. The multidimensional approach integrates these, rejecting unidimensional analyses to illuminate conflicts like those over the Amazon or Antarctica.

The book examines disputes involving sovereign states (e.g., Falklands/Malvinas, Venezuela-Guyana) and broader issues like indigenous rights and Antarctica’s claims. Cases like the Mexico–United States border highlight migratory tensions, while Greenland’s disputes reflect global interests. These examples showcase colonial legacies, neo-colonial influences, and peacebuilding strategies, such as regional guarantors in the Ecuador-Peru resolution.

Territorial Disputes in the Americas is your essential guide to the law, geopolitics, and human stories behind our continent’s conflicts. Whether you’re intrigued by Obama’s diplomacy, Milei’s rhetoric, indigenous rights, or disputes in Greenland, the Amazon, or Antarctica, this book delivers fresh insights. Starting next week, I’ll share weekly posts exploring each chapter, beginning with Chapter 1’s call to rethink sovereignty. Follow along, share your thoughts, and join the conversation! Pre-order details below!

State Sovereignty: Concept and Conceptions (OPEN ACCESS) (IJSL 2024)

AMAZON

ROUTLEDGE, TAYLOR & FRANCIS

Monday 2nd March 2026

Dr Jorge Emilio Núñez

X (formerly, Twitter): https://x.com/DrJorge_World

https://drjorge.world

Tuesday, 24 February 2026

The Borders We Share: Section 7 Recap: Deserts and Plains (Posts 37–42)

 

The Borders We Share: A New Way to Fix a Broken World

Section 7: Deserts and Plains forms a pivotal chapter in The Borders We Share series, leading us on a vast, sun-scorched, wind-whipped journey through six posts that descend from the vertical frontiers of cities and rocks into the horizontal immensity of deserts and grasslands. From the wind-whispered, magnetically merged dunes of Laputa and the Sahara to the bleeding steppes of Cimmeria and Eurasia, from the unclaimed nowhere of Erewhon and Sinai to the crowned voids of Narnia and Sudan, and finally to the fading emerald plains of Oz and the Australian Outback, this section has explored the slow, patient violence of aridity and the quiet, stubborn resilience of those who live where green turns to dust and dust threatens to erase memory itself. Each post, from 37 to 42, has paired a mythic or fictional arid/grassland realm with a real-world counterpart, revealing how sovereignty in these open spaces is measured not in metres of altitude but in litres of water, hectares of grazing land, and the number of footsteps that can still cross a border before the sand or dust claims everything.

The journey has been marked by persistent, cautious hope: that even in places where life hangs by the thinnest thread of water or grass, dialogue and shared stewardship can turn scarcity into sufficiency. Through Dr. Jorge’s scholarly lens, Holmes’s relentless evidence-gathering, Watson’s meticulous notes, and Arthur’s quiet moral weight, we have witnessed councils where exiled cartographers, Sahrawi refugees, Kazakh herders, Bedouin elders, Dinka cattlemen, Arrernte song-keepers, Munchkin farmers, Warlpiri women, and many others have proposed frameworks for peace. These proposals—shared commissions, residency pathways, ecological corridors, veto rights, transparent naming of workers—have sought to transform deserts and plains from arenas of exclusion into shared horizons where no one is scenery and no one is ballast. This descent concludes Section 7 with the recognition that sand and grass remember every footprint, every promise kept or broken, and that the ground beneath us is always listening.

Post 37: Laputa’s Dunes, Sahara’s Split: Sand for All

The section opened with Laputa’s Waste (the crescent dunes formed by crystal extraction) and the Sahara (especially Western Sahara). Dune nomads and Sahrawi voices paralleled each other. The council proposed shared commissions, extraction caps, aquifer recharge, and residency pathways, restoring displaced families on both sides and addressing 18,000 tonnes of annual sand loss and 173,000 refugees in Tindouf camps.

Post 38: Cimmeria’s Flats, Steppes’ Stretch: Dust Meets Grass

Cimmeria’s brooding plains (stretched by Laputa’s magnetic pull) met the Eurasian steppe (Russia–Kazakhstan border). Conan, Bêlit’s daughter, Kazakh herders, and activists spoke. The accord established grassland commissions, soil regeneration funds, and shared ecological corridors to halt 14,000 hectares of annual erosion in Cimmeria and 1.8 million hectares of pasture loss on the steppe.

Post 39: Erewhon’s Sands, Sinai’s Edge: Nowhere to Share

Erewhon’s high plateau (Butler’s satirical nowhere-land) paralleled the Sinai Peninsula. Erewhon citizens and Bedouin elders voiced their claims. The Sand Accord created joint commissions, water caps, residency pathways, and shared courts to protect aquifers and grazing rights, addressing 11,000 hectares of annual sand loss in Erewhon and 10,800 hectares of grazing land lost in Sinai since 2000.

Post 40: Narnia’s Wastes, Sudan’s Split: Kings of Nothing

Narnia’s Great Desert (the southern reach beyond the Lantern Waste) met the Sudan–South Sudan border wastes. Talking Beasts and pastoralists (Dinka, Nuer) spoke. The Wastes Accord set up desert commissions, recharge programmes, residency pathways, and shared courts to protect grazing corridors and water flows, addressing 12,000 hectares of annual sand loss in Narnia and 11,800 hectares of grazing land lost since 2011.

Post 41: Oz’s Plains, Outback’s Reach: Emerald to Dust

Oz’s flat emerald country met the Australian Outback. Munchkins, Scarecrow, Tin Woodman, Arrernte elders, and Warlpiri women spoke. The Plains Accord created joint commissions, soil regeneration funds, residency pathways, and shared courts to halt 9,000 hectares of meadow loss in Oz and 8,900 hectares of grazing land loss in Australia since 2015.

Post 42: Laputa’s Dunes, Part II: Quantum Sands

The section closed by returning to Laputa’s Waste and the Sahara, now entangled by wind and magnetic drift. Nomads, Sahrawi refugees, Polisario commanders, and Moroccan voices spoke of shared memory and living boundaries. The Quantum Sands Accord deepened shared commissions, raised revenue shares for resettlement and schools, and reinforced cross-border courts and transparency rules to manage the breathing, moving frontier, addressing 18,000 tonnes of annual sand exchange and the fate of 2,900 nomad families and 173,000 Sahrawi refugees.

Across these six arid landscapes, recurring themes have emerged like wind-carved patterns in sand. The tension between distant claims and lived reality—Laputa’s scholars ignoring nomads, Morocco’s infrastructure versus Sahrawi exile, pastoral leases versus songlines—underscored the cost of treating inhabitants as scenery. Environmental fragility was constant: topsoil loss, aquifer depletion, dune migration, grass die-back. Historical and ongoing dispossession cast long shadows: colonial borders, forced displacements, resource extraction. Yet each post proposed shared-sovereignty models that balanced equal voices, traditional roles for elders and nomads, ecological rewards (recharge, regeneration, corridors), and support for the vulnerable through residency pathways, schools, and transparent naming of workers.

Regional mediators (UN, Omani elders, Latin American guarantor models) and global precedents provided scaffolds, tested by pilot zones, joint courts, and transparent ledgers. Challenges persisted: prestige payoffs for distant capitals, external resource interests (oil, mining, phosphates), and the moral weight of displacement—from 1,100 Munchkins to 173,000 Sahrawi refugees. These themes wove a narrative of cautious hope: that even in the arid heart, where life hangs by the thinnest thread of water or grass, shared stewardship can turn scarcity into sufficiency.

The cultural richness of desert and plain peoples has been a cornerstone. Sahrawi keys to houses never returned to, Laputan nomads’ oases that vanish with magnetic tides, Kazakh herders’ ancient valleys, Bedouin songlines across Sinai granite, Dinka cattle corridors, Arrernte starlit maps, Munchkin whispers in the grass—each tradition stands as testament to resilience yet faces erosion under exclusion and extraction. These voices were championed in councils that sought to preserve them, aligning with Cosmopolitanism and State Sovereignty’s emphasis on moral equality. Historical layers—Spanish withdrawal (1975), Mabo (1992), CPA (2005), independence referendum (2011)—illuminated how colonial and post-colonial lines continue to fracture lives, while reformers pushed for equity. Fictional counterparts (Laputa’s Waste, Narnia’s dunes) served as allegorical mirrors, allowing timeless exploration of sovereignty where real timelines are heavy with pain. This blend, grounded in data (e.g., 18,000 tonnes sand exchange, 1.8 million hectares pasture loss), enriched the section, offering a multidimensional view that Territorial Disputes in the Americas seeks to expand.

Achievements are tangible and symbolic. Collaborative efforts across posts restored thousands of displaced families, recharged aquifers, regenerated soil, reopened corridors, and funded schools and residency pathways. Shared commissions, veto rights, and transparency rules (worker naming, revenue shares) created measurable benchmarks. Pilot zones and joint courts proved dialogue’s power.

Challenges loomed large: skepticism from academies and capitals, external resource interests, historical mistrust, and environmental fragility (dune migration, grass die-back). These obstacles highlighted the core task: transforming wary echoes into trust, requiring sustained effort and international support, setting the stage for future exploration.

As Section 7: Deserts and Plains concludes, the journey shifts to flowing new horizons with Section 8: Rivers and Flows (Posts 43–48), resuming Tuesday 24 February 2026. This upcoming section will explore how water—life’s most intimate border—can divide or unite.

Post 43: Sherwood’s Stream, Nile’s Flow: Green to Blue – Robin’s river meets Egypt-Ethiopia Nile tensions.

Post 44: Laputa’s Falls, Mekong’s Rush: Sky to Stream – Laputa’s waters rush toward China-SE Asia Mekong disputes.

Post 45: Utopia’s Banks, Indus’ Bend: Perfect Waters – Utopian rivers parallel India-Pakistan Indus claims.

Post 46: Ruritania’s Tide, Danube’s Dance: Crowns of Current – Ruritanian tides meet Romania-Ukraine Danube.

Post 47: Narnia’s Run, Euphrates’ End: Royal Rivers – Narnian flows join Turkey-Iraq Euphrates.

Post 48: Cimmeria’s Flood, Amur’s Edge: Dust Washes East – Cimmerian rivers wash toward Russia-China Amur.

This transition from arid plains to living rivers promises to extend the series’ theme of transforming conflict into cooperation. Join me, Dr. Jorge, at https://drjorge.world or X as we follow the water’s path toward shared futures.

• Sovereignty Conflicts (2017).

• Territorial Disputes (2020).

• Cosmopolitanism and State Sovereignty (2023). 

• Territorial Disputes in the Americas (2025).

New posts every Tuesday.

Post 42: Laputa’s Dunes, Part II: Quantum Sands

Section 8: Rivers and Flows (Posts 43–48)

43, Sherwood’s Stream, Nile’s Flow: Green to Blue

44, Laputa’s Falls, Mekong’s Rush: Sky to Stream

45, Utopia’s Banks, Indus’ Bend: Perfect Waters

46, Ruritania’s Tide, Danube’s Dance: Crowns of Current

47, Narnia’s Run, Euphrates’ End: Royal Rivers

48, Cimmeria’s Flood, Amur’s Edge: Dust Washes East

State Sovereignty: Concept and Conceptions (OPEN ACCESS) (IJSL 2024)

AMAZON

ROUTLEDGE, TAYLOR & FRANCIS

Tuesday 24th February 2026

Dr Jorge Emilio Núñez

X (formerly, Twitter): https://x.com/DrJorge_World

https://drjorge.world

Tuesday, 17 February 2026

The Borders We Share: Laputa’s Dunes, Part II (Post 42)

 

The Borders We Share: A New Way to Fix a Broken World

The wind has learned to speak in echoes.

Two deserts remain distinct, yet their fates have become entangled beneath the same unblinking sun.

The first is Laputa’s Waste, the crescent band of dunes that formed on the island’s lower rim when the crystal extractions began—sand that moves in slow, deliberate spirals, as though remembering every grain that fell from the floating disc above. The second is the Sahara that stretches beneath it, a golden sea of sand that covers 9.2 million square kilometres from the Atlantic to the Red Sea, where dunes rise and fall like slow-breathing creatures and where the same wind that stirs Laputa’s Waste now carries grains across borders drawn by men who rarely walk the sand.

Both deserts are vast.

Both are contested.

Both are bleeding into one another through the invisible threads of wind and magnetic drift.

Both are claimed by powers that can no longer pretend the sand stays in one place.

I arrive with the companions who have crossed every fractured frontier of this series: Sherlock Holmes, deerstalker traded for a wide-brimmed hat against the blinding glare; Dr. John Watson, notebook curling at the edges from the dry heat; King Arthur, who has swapped mail for a plain wool cloak but still carries Excalibur at his side like a vow that no desert can erase.

With us walk the people who belong to each desert separately.

From Laputa’s Waste come the exiled cartographers who first mapped the dunes; the dune nomads who live between oases that appear and vanish with the magnetic tides; the young Laputan dissident who first called the Waste “the People’s Sky-Desert.”

From the Sahara come the Polisario commander who has lived in the liberated zone for forty years; the Moroccan administrator from Laayoune; the Tuareg trader who crosses borders daily; and Hamed al-Ghabri, the Omani elder whose water-bag has become a symbol of cross-border memory.

This is Post 42, the sixth and final stride in Section 7: Deserts and Plains. We have left the bleeding grasslands of Cimmeria and the steppe, the unclaimed horizons of Erewhon and Sinai, the crowned voids of Narnia and Sudan. Now the series returns to the dunes, but they are no longer the same dunes. The quantum sands have entangled Laputa and the Sahara, myth and map, until the question is no longer “who owns the sand” but “what happens when the sand itself refuses to stay in one place?”

Laputa’s Waste is the narrow crescent of dunes that formed on the island’s lower rim when the crystal extractions began in the 19th century. The scholars call it an inevitable by-product of levitation; the exiled cartographers call it theft. Every year approximately 18,000 tonnes of sand are lost to wind and rockfall, carried downward to Balnibarbi below, where they bury fields and clog wells. The island’s magnetic field keeps the dunes in perpetual slow motion—beautiful to watch from above, terrifying to live beneath. No one from the upper city has set foot there in living memory. The nomads who do live there have no representation in the royal academy. They are not citizens; they are ballast.

The dunes have begun to change. Grains from the Sahara have risen on magnetic currents to mingle with Laputa’s own; grains of Laputa’s Waste have fallen to join the Sahara below. The boundary is no longer fixed. A single dune can contain particles from Tindouf and the underside of the floating disc; a single gust can carry a memory from the Berm to the royal academy and back again. The nomads no longer speak of “upper” and “lower”—they speak of “the Dunes” as one continuous body. The scholars above still pretend the Waste is separate; the people below know better.

The Sahara is brutally real. It stretches 9.2 million square kilometres from the Atlantic to the Red Sea, a golden sea of sand that has swallowed empires and spit out bones older than memory. The Western Sahara portion remains the most contested: since Spain’s withdrawal in 1975, Morocco has administered roughly 80 % of the territory, while the Polisario Front controls the remaining 20 % east of the Berm—a 2,700-kilometre sand wall built by Moroccan forces in the 1980s and 1990s. The United Nations still lists Western Sahara as a non-self-governing territory. Morocco has invested heavily in infrastructure in the “Southern Provinces,” building roads, ports, and desalination plants; the Polisario accuses Morocco of resource plunder (phosphates, fisheries, potential offshore oil). The Sahrawi refugee population in Tindouf camps exceeds 173,000 (UNHCR 2025). Water is the true currency: the territory sits atop one of the world’s largest fossil aquifers, yet access is tightly controlled. Both sides claim the dunes by history; both sides suffer from their aridity.

The dunes have begun to change here too. Laputa’s pull has stretched Saharan sand northward and upward; Saharan grains now dust the underside of the floating island. The wind carries them back and forth in a slow, inevitable exchange. The border is no longer a line on a map—it is a membrane that breathes. Both deserts are bleeding into one another; both are claimed by powers that can no longer tell which sand is theirs.

Sovereignty Conflicts frames both as classic triadic disputes: two privileged claimants exercising sovereignty over a populated third territory whose constitutive population is treated as peripheral to the claim yet suffers the direct environmental and economic cost.

Territorial Disputes adds the sociological fracture: upper-city scholars versus underside exiles; Moroccan settlers versus Sahrawi who remain in the territory or live in exile.

Cosmopolitanism and State Sovereignty asks the moral question: can a claim to land be legitimate when the land itself refuses to stay in one place?

Territorial Disputes in the Americas provides the practical precedent: guarantor-led shared-resource zones that have achieved high durability in Latin American cases—models now urgently needed here, but for a border that is no longer fixed.

Holmes refuses to stay aloft. He spends four days walking Laputa’s Waste with the nomads, measuring wind speed, dune migration rates, and the interval between Laputa’s magnetic pulses and the sudden gusts that carry sand downward. He spends the next four days crossing the Berm with Polisario escorts and Moroccan liaison officers, timing the movement of sand grains between the two deserts. The data he returns with are entangled.

In Laputa’s Waste 18,000 tonnes of sand are lost annually to wind and fall; 2,900 nomad families displaced in the last decade. In the Sahara 17,800 tonnes of phosphate rock are exported annually from Moroccan-controlled zones; 173,000 Sahrawi refugees still in Tindouf after fifty years. In Laputa zero scholars have visited the Waste in living memory; in the Sahara zero high-level officials have entered the liberated zone since 1991. But now grains from Tindouf lie on Laputa’s underside, and grains from the floating disc lie on the Berm.

Watson’s notebook grows heavy: “The sand no longer respects borders. It has become its own border—a living line that moves with every breath of wind.”

Arthur stands on a dune that is half Laputa and half Sahara, watching grains from both deserts swirl together in the same gust. He says only: “A desert does not care who claims it. It only remembers who walked it together.”

We meet where the two deserts have begun to merge: a neutral crest on Laputa’s lowest dune, lowered to within 150 metres of the Sahara’s surface for the first time in history, with Moroccan, Sahrawi, and Laputan representatives brought by helicopter and dune nomads arriving on foot.

Present: King Laputian, seated on a portable throne of adamant, visibly uncomfortable at being so close to earth; Balnibarbi, barefoot on real sand, eyes shining; the Polisario commander who has lived in the liberated zone for forty years; the Moroccan administrator from Laayoune; Mohammed Yusuf, the Pakistani steel-fixer now working on a cross-desert recharge project; Hamed al-Ghabri, the Omani elder whose water-bag now holds sand from both deserts.

Balnibarbi speaks first: “The dunes are no longer separate. They are one body now, breathing with two hearts.”

The Polisario commander answers: “Our dunes have been moving under foreign boots for fifty years. We ask only for the right to walk them freely.”

The Moroccan administrator, voice calm: “We have brought water, roads, schools. The dunes are more alive now than they have ever been.”

The young Laputan dissident, voice sharp: “The sand has already decided. It belongs to no one and to everyone. Let us listen to what it has chosen.”

The Sahrawi refugee, holding her key tightly: “I carry the key to a house I have never seen. The sand remembers the door even if the map does not. It remembers the children who played in the courtyard, the songs my mother sang at dusk, the smell of bread baked in the clay oven. It remembers everything we lost when the border was drawn through our lives.”

The Moroccan administrator, after a long silence: “We built schools so those children could learn. We built roads so they could travel. We built wells so they would not thirst. The sand remembers that, too.”

Balnibarbi, gentle but firm: “It remembers both. It remembers the schools and the roads, and it remembers the keys that no longer open doors. The sand does not choose sides. It only asks that we stop making it choose.”

The Polisario commander, voice low: “Fifty years ago we walked these dunes as free people. We carried our tents and our children and our stories. Now the dunes carry our stories for us, because we cannot carry them ourselves. The sand has become our memory when we were forced to forget.”

Hamed al-Ghabri lifts his water-bag: “In Oman we say the desert is a mirror. It shows you what you bring to it. If you bring greed, it gives you thirst. If you bring sharing, it gives you life.”

King Laputian, voice cracking from the unaccustomed dryness: “Our crystals keep us aloft, but we have forgotten how to land. Perhaps the sand will teach us.”

The Sahrawi refugee, eyes on the horizon: “Teach us? No. Let us teach you. The sand does not need teaching. It needs resting. It needs walking. It needs remembering.”

Arthur’s voice, quiet as a vow: “A sword laid flat is not surrender. It is invitation. Let every hand rest here, and let the sand judge.”

The “Quantum Sands Accord” is drafted in sand and ink:

Joint Laputa–Sahara Quantum Sands Commission with binding extraction and migration caps; surplus funds a cross-desert aquifer recharge programme and nomadic resettlement.

The merged dunes declared a shared ecological and cultural zone; 40 % of crystal and phosphate revenue funds permanent descent corridors, grounded universities, and cross-border schools.

“Sand-to-Sky Residency Pathway”: ten continuous years of contribution (nomadism, scholarship, land restoration) = permanent residency in Morocco or citizenship on Laputa’s grounded ring.

Higher Court seated alternately in Laayoune and on Laputa’s lowest terrace, with judges from Moroccan, Sahrawi, expatriate, and Balnibarbi communities; veto power on any project that depletes aquifers or accelerates dune migration.

Every new mining or recharge operation must display, in Arabic, Hassaniya, Spanish, Urdu, and Balnibarbi dialect, the source of the water and the names of the nomads and workers who sustain it.

King Laputian signs first, his hand steady because it rests on real sand. The Polisario commander signs second. The Moroccan administrator signs third. Mohammed Yusuf signs fourth. Balnibarbi signs last—his bare foot pressing the parchment into the dune as seal.

The wind still carries warnings: aquifers will fall, dunes will migrate, people will thirst. Yet it also carries new notes: the soft hiss of a recharge well pumping water back into the ground, the laughter of Sahrawi and Laputan children learning dune navigation together on a neutral crest, the quiet thud of a Laputan astronomer choosing to walk rather than float, the rustle of a water-bag being refilled from a tap that no longer runs dry.

Peace along this entangled frontier is not a treaty signed in air-conditioned halls. It is a grain of sand left undisturbed so a palm grove may breathe again, a path reopened so a nomad may walk it freely, a desert whose horizon is wide enough for every exile and every scholar to stand beneath the same sky.

You have stood in a desert so quiet you could hear your own heartbeat.

You have looked at a map and wondered why one side of a line is marked in green and the other in brown.

You have, perhaps, never met the nomad whose path was closed so a border could stay open, the scholar who learned that the stars are beautiful but the sand is home, or the elder who discovered that even a king can learn to walk.

The Borders We Share asks only one thing: the next time you look at a desert, remember there is always a ground—and that the ground remembers every footprint, every promise kept or broken.

This concludes Section 7: Deserts and Plains. The journey continues in future sections. I’m Dr. Jorge, shaping these tales into a book you’ll cradle. Visit https://drjorge.world or X (https://x.com/DrJorge_World )—join me from Laputa’s dunes to the Sahara’s sands, sowing seeds for thriving deserts. Together, we transmute claims into a symphony that resonates through time.

• Sovereignty Conflicts (2017).

• Territorial Disputes (2020).

• Cosmopolitanism and State Sovereignty (2023). 

• Territorial Disputes in the Americas (2025).

New posts every Tuesday.

Post 41: Oz’s Plains, Outback’s Reach: Emerald to Dust


Section 7 Recap: Deserts and Plains (Posts 37–42)

State Sovereignty: Concept and Conceptions (OPEN ACCESS) (IJSL 2024)

AMAZON

ROUTLEDGE, TAYLOR & FRANCIS

Tuesday 17th February 2026

Dr Jorge Emilio Núñez

X (formerly, Twitter): https://x.com/DrJorge_World

https://drjorge.world

Thursday, 12 February 2026

Trump on Greenland

 

Trump on Greenland

Donald Trump’s renewed push to acquire Greenland—first floated in 2019 and revived aggressively in early 2025—has now become one of the most unusual and destabilizing geopolitical disputes of his presidency. By February 2026, the White House continues to insist that “all options” remain on the table, ranging from economic pressure on Denmark to direct financial incentives for Greenlanders. Trump has repeatedly called U.S. control of Greenland “essential,” threatened tariffs on Danish exports, and refused to rule out taking the island “the hard way.”

Danish and Greenlandic leaders have responded with rare unity. Greenland’s Prime Minister Jens‑Frederik Nielsen has reiterated that “Greenland is for Greenlanders,” while Denmark’s Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen has dismissed the idea of a sale as “not up for discussion.” Public opinion remains overwhelmingly opposed: a January 2026 poll found 85% of Greenlanders reject joining the United States.

To understand what might happen next, it helps to look at Greenland through three analytical lenses: distributive justiceterritorial sovereignty, and shared sovereignty in the 21st century.

Greenland’s 57,000 residents—mostly Inuit—have their own culture, language, and political aspirations. The 2009 Self‑Government Act grants them wide autonomy over internal affairs and natural resources, while Denmark retains foreign policy and defense.

Any forced change of sovereignty would violate:

  • Greenland’s legal status under the 2009 Act
  • The principle of self‑determination in international law
  • The requirement that Greenlanders themselves must approve any change in status

International law is unambiguous: territory cannot be transferred without the consent of the people who live there.

A U.S. takeover faces three major obstacles:

  • The UN Charter prohibits the use of force to seize territory.
  • Self‑determination requires a free and genuine expression of Greenlandic will.
  • Coerced treaties are invalid under the Vienna Convention.

The U.S. already operates Pituffik Space Base under a 1951 agreement, but expanding that into territorial control would require occupation — something Greenlanders and Denmark would resist.

Greenlanders overwhelmingly identify as Inuit, not Danish or American. Polls consistently show support for autonomy or independence, not annexation.

A formal annexation is unrealistic. But the U.S. could pursue de facto control through:

  • Economic pressure on Denmark, including tariffs or threats to NATO funding
  • A “free association” model, similar to U.S. relationships with the Marshall Islands or Palau
  • Heavy investment in mining, creating economic dependence

This would not be annexation, but a form of neo‑colonial shared sovereignty—appearing voluntary while structurally unequal.

If U.S. pressure intensifies, Greenlanders may accelerate their long‑standing independence movement. Independence would be economically difficult—Denmark’s annual block grant is 25% of Greenland’s GDP—but outside powers (China, Russia) would quickly step in, destabilizing the Arctic.

Denmark is economically vulnerable to U.S. tariffs. A compromise expanding U.S. basing rights is possible, but would trigger backlash in both Denmark and Greenland. The result could be a U.S. protectorate in all but name.

The most probable short‑term outcome remains continued tension without formal change. Greenland rejects any deal, Denmark refuses to sell, and Trump escalates rhetoric but stops short of military action. Meanwhile:

  • Russia expands its Arctic presence
  • China offers infrastructure and mining partnerships
  • NATO struggles to maintain unity

The long‑term risk is that Greenlanders, frustrated by economic stagnation and external pressure, eventually vote for independence, creating a new contested micro‑state in a warming Arctic.

In my 2023 work on cosmopolitanism and sovereignty, I argue that modern sovereignty is increasingly shared and plural, not absolute. Greenland could become a model for this:

  • Greenlanders hold the decisive voice
  • Denmark retains symbolic ties
  • The U.S. gains legitimate strategic access through transparent agreements
  • Mineral wealth benefits the local population

Anything else—coercion, purchase without consent, or occupation—would repeat a long history of powerful states treating small peoples as bargaining chips.

Territorial disputes are never just about land. They are about people, justice, identity, and fairness. Greenlanders remind us that sovereignty is a living relationship between a people and their place. Any solution that ignores that relationship will create conflict, not stability.

Previous post pertaining to Greenland (2025 and 2026)

State Sovereignty: Concept and Conceptions (OPEN ACCESS) (IJSL 2024)

AMAZON

ROUTLEDGE, TAYLOR & FRANCIS

Thursday 12th February 2026

Dr Jorge Emilio Núñez

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