Tuesday, 17 February 2026

The Borders We Share: Laputa’s Dunes, Part II (Post 42)

 

The Borders We Share: A New Way to Fix a Broken World

The wind has learned to speak in echoes.

Two deserts remain distinct, yet their fates have become entangled beneath the same unblinking sun.

The first is Laputa’s Waste, the crescent band of dunes that formed on the island’s lower rim when the crystal extractions began—sand that moves in slow, deliberate spirals, as though remembering every grain that fell from the floating disc above. The second is the Sahara that stretches beneath it, a golden sea of sand that covers 9.2 million square kilometres from the Atlantic to the Red Sea, where dunes rise and fall like slow-breathing creatures and where the same wind that stirs Laputa’s Waste now carries grains across borders drawn by men who rarely walk the sand.

Both deserts are vast.

Both are contested.

Both are bleeding into one another through the invisible threads of wind and magnetic drift.

Both are claimed by powers that can no longer pretend the sand stays in one place.

I arrive with the companions who have crossed every fractured frontier of this series: Sherlock Holmes, deerstalker traded for a wide-brimmed hat against the blinding glare; Dr. John Watson, notebook curling at the edges from the dry heat; King Arthur, who has swapped mail for a plain wool cloak but still carries Excalibur at his side like a vow that no desert can erase.

With us walk the people who belong to each desert separately.

From Laputa’s Waste come the exiled cartographers who first mapped the dunes; the dune nomads who live between oases that appear and vanish with the magnetic tides; the young Laputan dissident who first called the Waste “the People’s Sky-Desert.”

From the Sahara come the Polisario commander who has lived in the liberated zone for forty years; the Moroccan administrator from Laayoune; the Tuareg trader who crosses borders daily; and Hamed al-Ghabri, the Omani elder whose water-bag has become a symbol of cross-border memory.

This is Post 42, the sixth and final stride in Section 7: Deserts and Plains. We have left the bleeding grasslands of Cimmeria and the steppe, the unclaimed horizons of Erewhon and Sinai, the crowned voids of Narnia and Sudan. Now the series returns to the dunes, but they are no longer the same dunes. The quantum sands have entangled Laputa and the Sahara, myth and map, until the question is no longer “who owns the sand” but “what happens when the sand itself refuses to stay in one place?”

Laputa’s Waste is the narrow crescent of dunes that formed on the island’s lower rim when the crystal extractions began in the 19th century. The scholars call it an inevitable by-product of levitation; the exiled cartographers call it theft. Every year approximately 18,000 tonnes of sand are lost to wind and rockfall, carried downward to Balnibarbi below, where they bury fields and clog wells. The island’s magnetic field keeps the dunes in perpetual slow motion—beautiful to watch from above, terrifying to live beneath. No one from the upper city has set foot there in living memory. The nomads who do live there have no representation in the royal academy. They are not citizens; they are ballast.

The dunes have begun to change. Grains from the Sahara have risen on magnetic currents to mingle with Laputa’s own; grains of Laputa’s Waste have fallen to join the Sahara below. The boundary is no longer fixed. A single dune can contain particles from Tindouf and the underside of the floating disc; a single gust can carry a memory from the Berm to the royal academy and back again. The nomads no longer speak of “upper” and “lower”—they speak of “the Dunes” as one continuous body. The scholars above still pretend the Waste is separate; the people below know better.

The Sahara is brutally real. It stretches 9.2 million square kilometres from the Atlantic to the Red Sea, a golden sea of sand that has swallowed empires and spit out bones older than memory. The Western Sahara portion remains the most contested: since Spain’s withdrawal in 1975, Morocco has administered roughly 80 % of the territory, while the Polisario Front controls the remaining 20 % east of the Berm—a 2,700-kilometre sand wall built by Moroccan forces in the 1980s and 1990s. The United Nations still lists Western Sahara as a non-self-governing territory. Morocco has invested heavily in infrastructure in the “Southern Provinces,” building roads, ports, and desalination plants; the Polisario accuses Morocco of resource plunder (phosphates, fisheries, potential offshore oil). The Sahrawi refugee population in Tindouf camps exceeds 173,000 (UNHCR 2025). Water is the true currency: the territory sits atop one of the world’s largest fossil aquifers, yet access is tightly controlled. Both sides claim the dunes by history; both sides suffer from their aridity.

The dunes have begun to change here too. Laputa’s pull has stretched Saharan sand northward and upward; Saharan grains now dust the underside of the floating island. The wind carries them back and forth in a slow, inevitable exchange. The border is no longer a line on a map—it is a membrane that breathes. Both deserts are bleeding into one another; both are claimed by powers that can no longer tell which sand is theirs.

Sovereignty Conflicts frames both as classic triadic disputes: two privileged claimants exercising sovereignty over a populated third territory whose constitutive population is treated as peripheral to the claim yet suffers the direct environmental and economic cost.

Territorial Disputes adds the sociological fracture: upper-city scholars versus underside exiles; Moroccan settlers versus Sahrawi who remain in the territory or live in exile.

Cosmopolitanism and State Sovereignty asks the moral question: can a claim to land be legitimate when the land itself refuses to stay in one place?

Territorial Disputes in the Americas provides the practical precedent: guarantor-led shared-resource zones that have achieved high durability in Latin American cases—models now urgently needed here, but for a border that is no longer fixed.

Holmes refuses to stay aloft. He spends four days walking Laputa’s Waste with the nomads, measuring wind speed, dune migration rates, and the interval between Laputa’s magnetic pulses and the sudden gusts that carry sand downward. He spends the next four days crossing the Berm with Polisario escorts and Moroccan liaison officers, timing the movement of sand grains between the two deserts. The data he returns with are entangled.

In Laputa’s Waste 18,000 tonnes of sand are lost annually to wind and fall; 2,900 nomad families displaced in the last decade. In the Sahara 17,800 tonnes of phosphate rock are exported annually from Moroccan-controlled zones; 173,000 Sahrawi refugees still in Tindouf after fifty years. In Laputa zero scholars have visited the Waste in living memory; in the Sahara zero high-level officials have entered the liberated zone since 1991. But now grains from Tindouf lie on Laputa’s underside, and grains from the floating disc lie on the Berm.

Watson’s notebook grows heavy: “The sand no longer respects borders. It has become its own border—a living line that moves with every breath of wind.”

Arthur stands on a dune that is half Laputa and half Sahara, watching grains from both deserts swirl together in the same gust. He says only: “A desert does not care who claims it. It only remembers who walked it together.”

We meet where the two deserts have begun to merge: a neutral crest on Laputa’s lowest dune, lowered to within 150 metres of the Sahara’s surface for the first time in history, with Moroccan, Sahrawi, and Laputan representatives brought by helicopter and dune nomads arriving on foot.

Present: King Laputian, seated on a portable throne of adamant, visibly uncomfortable at being so close to earth; Balnibarbi, barefoot on real sand, eyes shining; the Polisario commander who has lived in the liberated zone for forty years; the Moroccan administrator from Laayoune; Mohammed Yusuf, the Pakistani steel-fixer now working on a cross-desert recharge project; Hamed al-Ghabri, the Omani elder whose water-bag now holds sand from both deserts.

Balnibarbi speaks first: “The dunes are no longer separate. They are one body now, breathing with two hearts.”

The Polisario commander answers: “Our dunes have been moving under foreign boots for fifty years. We ask only for the right to walk them freely.”

The Moroccan administrator, voice calm: “We have brought water, roads, schools. The dunes are more alive now than they have ever been.”

The young Laputan dissident, voice sharp: “The sand has already decided. It belongs to no one and to everyone. Let us listen to what it has chosen.”

The Sahrawi refugee, holding her key tightly: “I carry the key to a house I have never seen. The sand remembers the door even if the map does not. It remembers the children who played in the courtyard, the songs my mother sang at dusk, the smell of bread baked in the clay oven. It remembers everything we lost when the border was drawn through our lives.”

The Moroccan administrator, after a long silence: “We built schools so those children could learn. We built roads so they could travel. We built wells so they would not thirst. The sand remembers that, too.”

Balnibarbi, gentle but firm: “It remembers both. It remembers the schools and the roads, and it remembers the keys that no longer open doors. The sand does not choose sides. It only asks that we stop making it choose.”

The Polisario commander, voice low: “Fifty years ago we walked these dunes as free people. We carried our tents and our children and our stories. Now the dunes carry our stories for us, because we cannot carry them ourselves. The sand has become our memory when we were forced to forget.”

Hamed al-Ghabri lifts his water-bag: “In Oman we say the desert is a mirror. It shows you what you bring to it. If you bring greed, it gives you thirst. If you bring sharing, it gives you life.”

King Laputian, voice cracking from the unaccustomed dryness: “Our crystals keep us aloft, but we have forgotten how to land. Perhaps the sand will teach us.”

The Sahrawi refugee, eyes on the horizon: “Teach us? No. Let us teach you. The sand does not need teaching. It needs resting. It needs walking. It needs remembering.”

Arthur’s voice, quiet as a vow: “A sword laid flat is not surrender. It is invitation. Let every hand rest here, and let the sand judge.”

The “Quantum Sands Accord” is drafted in sand and ink:

Joint Laputa–Sahara Quantum Sands Commission with binding extraction and migration caps; surplus funds a cross-desert aquifer recharge programme and nomadic resettlement.

The merged dunes declared a shared ecological and cultural zone; 40 % of crystal and phosphate revenue funds permanent descent corridors, grounded universities, and cross-border schools.

“Sand-to-Sky Residency Pathway”: ten continuous years of contribution (nomadism, scholarship, land restoration) = permanent residency in Morocco or citizenship on Laputa’s grounded ring.

Higher Court seated alternately in Laayoune and on Laputa’s lowest terrace, with judges from Moroccan, Sahrawi, expatriate, and Balnibarbi communities; veto power on any project that depletes aquifers or accelerates dune migration.

Every new mining or recharge operation must display, in Arabic, Hassaniya, Spanish, Urdu, and Balnibarbi dialect, the source of the water and the names of the nomads and workers who sustain it.

King Laputian signs first, his hand steady because it rests on real sand. The Polisario commander signs second. The Moroccan administrator signs third. Mohammed Yusuf signs fourth. Balnibarbi signs last—his bare foot pressing the parchment into the dune as seal.

The wind still carries warnings: aquifers will fall, dunes will migrate, people will thirst. Yet it also carries new notes: the soft hiss of a recharge well pumping water back into the ground, the laughter of Sahrawi and Laputan children learning dune navigation together on a neutral crest, the quiet thud of a Laputan astronomer choosing to walk rather than float, the rustle of a water-bag being refilled from a tap that no longer runs dry.

Peace along this entangled frontier is not a treaty signed in air-conditioned halls. It is a grain of sand left undisturbed so a palm grove may breathe again, a path reopened so a nomad may walk it freely, a desert whose horizon is wide enough for every exile and every scholar to stand beneath the same sky.

You have stood in a desert so quiet you could hear your own heartbeat.

You have looked at a map and wondered why one side of a line is marked in green and the other in brown.

You have, perhaps, never met the nomad whose path was closed so a border could stay open, the scholar who learned that the stars are beautiful but the sand is home, or the elder who discovered that even a king can learn to walk.

The Borders We Share asks only one thing: the next time you look at a desert, remember there is always a ground—and that the ground remembers every footprint, every promise kept or broken.

This concludes Section 7: Deserts and Plains. The journey continues in future sections. I’m Dr. Jorge, shaping these tales into a book you’ll cradle. Visit https://drjorge.world or X (https://x.com/DrJorge_World )—join me from Laputa’s dunes to the Sahara’s sands, sowing seeds for thriving deserts. Together, we transmute claims into a symphony that resonates through time.

• Sovereignty Conflicts (2017).

• Territorial Disputes (2020).

• Cosmopolitanism and State Sovereignty (2023). 

• Territorial Disputes in the Americas (2025).

New posts every Tuesday.

Post 41: Oz’s Plains, Outback’s Reach: Emerald to Dust


Section 7 Recap: Deserts and Plains (Posts 37–42)

State Sovereignty: Concept and Conceptions (OPEN ACCESS) (IJSL 2024)

AMAZON

ROUTLEDGE, TAYLOR & FRANCIS

Tuesday 17th February 2026

Dr Jorge Emilio Núñez

X (formerly, Twitter): https://x.com/DrJorge_World

https://drjorge.world

Thursday, 12 February 2026

Trump on Greenland

 

Trump on Greenland

Donald Trump’s renewed push to acquire Greenland—first floated in 2019 and revived aggressively in early 2025—has now become one of the most unusual and destabilizing geopolitical disputes of his presidency. By February 2026, the White House continues to insist that “all options” remain on the table, ranging from economic pressure on Denmark to direct financial incentives for Greenlanders. Trump has repeatedly called U.S. control of Greenland “essential,” threatened tariffs on Danish exports, and refused to rule out taking the island “the hard way.”

Danish and Greenlandic leaders have responded with rare unity. Greenland’s Prime Minister Jens‑Frederik Nielsen has reiterated that “Greenland is for Greenlanders,” while Denmark’s Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen has dismissed the idea of a sale as “not up for discussion.” Public opinion remains overwhelmingly opposed: a January 2026 poll found 85% of Greenlanders reject joining the United States.

To understand what might happen next, it helps to look at Greenland through three analytical lenses: distributive justiceterritorial sovereignty, and shared sovereignty in the 21st century.

Greenland’s 57,000 residents—mostly Inuit—have their own culture, language, and political aspirations. The 2009 Self‑Government Act grants them wide autonomy over internal affairs and natural resources, while Denmark retains foreign policy and defense.

Any forced change of sovereignty would violate:

  • Greenland’s legal status under the 2009 Act
  • The principle of self‑determination in international law
  • The requirement that Greenlanders themselves must approve any change in status

International law is unambiguous: territory cannot be transferred without the consent of the people who live there.

A U.S. takeover faces three major obstacles:

  • The UN Charter prohibits the use of force to seize territory.
  • Self‑determination requires a free and genuine expression of Greenlandic will.
  • Coerced treaties are invalid under the Vienna Convention.

The U.S. already operates Pituffik Space Base under a 1951 agreement, but expanding that into territorial control would require occupation — something Greenlanders and Denmark would resist.

Greenlanders overwhelmingly identify as Inuit, not Danish or American. Polls consistently show support for autonomy or independence, not annexation.

A formal annexation is unrealistic. But the U.S. could pursue de facto control through:

  • Economic pressure on Denmark, including tariffs or threats to NATO funding
  • A “free association” model, similar to U.S. relationships with the Marshall Islands or Palau
  • Heavy investment in mining, creating economic dependence

This would not be annexation, but a form of neo‑colonial shared sovereignty—appearing voluntary while structurally unequal.

If U.S. pressure intensifies, Greenlanders may accelerate their long‑standing independence movement. Independence would be economically difficult—Denmark’s annual block grant is 25% of Greenland’s GDP—but outside powers (China, Russia) would quickly step in, destabilizing the Arctic.

Denmark is economically vulnerable to U.S. tariffs. A compromise expanding U.S. basing rights is possible, but would trigger backlash in both Denmark and Greenland. The result could be a U.S. protectorate in all but name.

The most probable short‑term outcome remains continued tension without formal change. Greenland rejects any deal, Denmark refuses to sell, and Trump escalates rhetoric but stops short of military action. Meanwhile:

  • Russia expands its Arctic presence
  • China offers infrastructure and mining partnerships
  • NATO struggles to maintain unity

The long‑term risk is that Greenlanders, frustrated by economic stagnation and external pressure, eventually vote for independence, creating a new contested micro‑state in a warming Arctic.

In my 2023 work on cosmopolitanism and sovereignty, I argue that modern sovereignty is increasingly shared and plural, not absolute. Greenland could become a model for this:

  • Greenlanders hold the decisive voice
  • Denmark retains symbolic ties
  • The U.S. gains legitimate strategic access through transparent agreements
  • Mineral wealth benefits the local population

Anything else—coercion, purchase without consent, or occupation—would repeat a long history of powerful states treating small peoples as bargaining chips.

Territorial disputes are never just about land. They are about people, justice, identity, and fairness. Greenlanders remind us that sovereignty is a living relationship between a people and their place. Any solution that ignores that relationship will create conflict, not stability.

Previous post pertaining to Greenland (2025 and 2026)

State Sovereignty: Concept and Conceptions (OPEN ACCESS) (IJSL 2024)

AMAZON

ROUTLEDGE, TAYLOR & FRANCIS

Thursday 12th February 2026

Dr Jorge Emilio Núñez

X (formerly, Twitter): https://x.com/DrJorge_World

https://drjorge.world

Tuesday, 10 February 2026

The Borders We Share: Oz’s Plains, Outback’s Reach (Post 41)

 

The Borders We Share: A New Way to Fix a Broken World

The wind is hot and dry, carrying the faint scent of eucalyptus and distant rain that never quite falls, whispering promises it never keeps.

Two wide, flat lands lie almost within sight of one another beneath the same relentless sun.

One is the flat country of Oz, the emerald heartland that stretches beyond the yellow brick road and the poppy fields—a place of rolling meadows and distant purple hills where the Munchkins once farmed in peace and where the Wizard’s hot-air balloon once rose and never quite came down. The other is the Australian Outback, the red centre that covers more than 70 % of the continent: 5.6 million square kilometres of spinifex, mulga scrub, gibber plains, and salt lakes where the oldest living cultures on earth have walked songlines for 65,000 years and where mining leases, pastoral stations, and native title claims now overlap in a map of competing futures.

Both plains are wide.

Both are sparsely peopled.

Both are places where green has begun to turn to dust.

Both are claimed by powers that rarely sleep under their stars.

I arrive with the companions who have crossed every fractured frontier of this series: Sherlock Holmes, deerstalker traded for a wide-brimmed hat against the blinding glare; Dr. John Watson, notebook curling at the edges from the dry heat; King Arthur, who has swapped mail for a plain stockman’s coat but still carries Excalibur at his side like a vow that no desert can erase.

With us walk the people who actually belong to these plains.

From Oz come the last free folk of the flat country—descendants of the Munchkins who once farmed the yellow fields; the Scarecrow, now weathered and wise, still searching for the brain he was promised; the Tin Woodman, axe at his side, heart still beating with borrowed compassion; and a young Munchkin farmer who says the grass has begun to whisper in two voices since Laputa drifted closer and dropped its shadow across the plain.

From the Australian Outback come an Arrernte elder from Mparntwe (Alice Springs) whose family has walked the same songlines since time out of mind; a Warlpiri woman from Yuendumu who has been fighting native title claims against mining leases for thirty years; a young Indigenous activist from Alice who uses drone footage to document illegal exploration; and a white pastoralist whose grandfather took up the lease in 1920 and who now watches the same land erode under drought and over-grazing.

This is Post 41, the fifth stride in Section 7: Deserts and Plains. We have left the crowned voids of Narnia and Sudan. Now the series steps deeper into the arid heart, where sovereignty is measured not in barrels of oil or litres of water but in the number of songlines that can still be walked and the number of blades of grass that can still stand before the dust takes everything.

Oz’s flat country is the emerald heartland Baum dreamed—a place of rolling meadows and distant purple hills where the Munchkins once farmed in peace and where the Wizard’s hot-air balloon once rose and never quite came down. In recent decades Laputa’s magnetic drift has begun to tug at the plain, stretching its grasslands unnaturally far—almost as though the island above is trying to anchor itself by pulling the earth upward. Every year approximately 9,000 hectares of meadow are lost to wind erosion accelerated by the island’s low-level downdraughts; the topsoil blows southward into the Quadling Country, silting rivers and burying pastures. The Munchkins who still live here have no voice in the decisions made above them. They are not subjects; they are scenery.

The Australian Outback is brutally real. The continent’s red centre covers more than 70 % of Australia’s land mass—5.6 million square kilometres of spinifex, mulga scrub, gibber plains, and salt lakes. Native title claims cover 40 % of the land; pastoral leases cover another 40 %; mining tenements overlap both. The 1992 Mabo decision and the 1993 Native Title Act promised recognition of pre-existing rights, but the 2007 Intervention and ongoing exploration licences have eroded trust. Drought and climate change have reduced grass cover by 25 % in some regions since 2000. Both plains are places where green has begun to turn to dust; both are claimed by distant capitals that rarely sleep under their stars.

Sovereignty Conflicts frames both as classic triadic disputes: two privileged claimants exercising sovereignty over a populated third territory whose constitutive population is treated as peripheral to the claim yet suffers the direct environmental and economic cost.

Territorial Disputes adds the sociological fracture: in Oz the Munchkins versus the absent Wizard’s legacy; in Australia the Indigenous custodians versus pastoral and mining interests.

Cosmopolitanism and State Sovereignty asks the moral question: can a claim to land be legitimate if it systematically excludes or exploits the majority who actually inhabit and sustain it?

Territorial Disputes in the Americas provides the practical precedent: guarantor-led shared-land-use zones that have achieved high durability in Latin American cases—models now urgently needed here.

Holmes refuses to stay in the shade. He spends four days walking Oz’s flat country with the Munchkins, measuring wind speed, grass height, and the interval between Laputa’s magnetic pulses and the sudden gusts that strip topsoil. He spends the next four days walking the Australian Outback with Indigenous custodians and pastoralists, timing the movement of mining exploration teams and the departure of kangaroo mobs. The data he returns with are grimly symmetrical.

In Oz 9,000 hectares of meadow are lost annually to wind erosion accelerated by Laputa’s downdraughts; 1,100 Munchkin families displaced in the last decade. In Australia 8,900 hectares of grazing land have been lost to mining tenements and drought since 2015; 1,600 Indigenous households affected. In Oz no Munchkin has been invited to the Emerald City court in living memory. In Australia no senior mining executive has spent a full day on a native title claim without a security detail.

Watson’s notebook grows heavy: “Both plains are being grazed and mined to death by powers that never smell the grass. The difference is only in the signature—royal decree or exploration licence.”

Arthur stands on an Oz meadow watching Laputa drift overhead, then stands on an Australian gibber plain watching a distant line of exploration vehicles move north to south like steel locusts. He says only: “A plain does not care who rides across it. It only remembers who rested their flocks upon it.”

We meet where the two plains almost touch: a neutral stretch of shortgrass prairie on Laputa’s lowest dune, lowered to within 150 metres of the Australian Outback for the first time in history, with mining representatives, pastoralists, and Indigenous custodians brought by helicopter and Oz folk arriving on foot.

Present: King Laputian, seated on a portable throne of adamant, visibly uncomfortable at being so close to grass; the Scarecrow, weathered and wise; the Tin Woodman, axe at his side, heart still beating with borrowed compassion; an Arrernte elder; a Warlpiri woman from Yuendumu; a young Indigenous activist from Alice Springs; Hamed al-Ghabri, the Omani elder whose water-bag has become a symbol of cross-border memory.

The Arrernte elder speaks first, voice carrying the cadence of songlines: “The grass is moving. It does not ask permission. It only asks to be shared.”

The Warlpiri woman answers, eyes flashing: “Our grass has been moving under foreign drills for twenty years. We ask only for the right to follow our songlines freely.”

The mining representative, voice calm but edged: “We have brought jobs, royalties, infrastructure. The plain is more valuable now than it has ever been.”

The Scarecrow tilts his head, straw rustling softly: “Value? You speak of dollars and ore. We speak of roots and rain. The grass knows which one keeps it alive.”

The Tin Woodman, axe glinting in the sun: “I was made of tin, yet I learned to feel. You speak of progress, but progress without heart is just rust waiting to happen.”

The young Indigenous activist steps forward: “The land sings its own law. Your contracts are paper. Our songlines are older than paper, older than ink, older than your maps.”

The Arrernte elder nods slowly: “Songlines are maps of water and starlight. If you cut one, you cut the memory of where the water hides. The grass remembers. The grass forgives. But only if you listen.”

The Warlpiri woman, quiet but firm: “Teach us? No. Let us teach you. The grass does not need teaching. It needs resting. It needs walking. It needs singing.”

King Laputian, voice cracking from the unaccustomed dryness: “Our crystals keep us aloft, but we have forgotten how to land. Perhaps the grass will teach us.”

The mining representative, after a pause: “If we share the water, the grass, the songlines—perhaps the green will come back and the children will stop running.”

Arthur’s voice, quiet as a vow: “A sword laid flat is not surrender. It is invitation. Let every hand rest here, and let the plain judge.”

The “Plains Accord” is drafted in dust and ink:

Joint Oz–Australia Plains Commission with binding stocking-rate and exploration caps; surplus funds a cross-border soil regeneration programme.

Oz’s flat country declared a shared ecological corridor; 30 % of any future crystal revenue funds permanent descent corridors and mobile schools for Munchkins.

“Grass-to-Sky Residency Pathway”: ten continuous years of contribution (herding, scholarship, land restoration) = permanent residency in Australia or citizenship on Oz’s grounded ring.

Higher Court seated alternately in Alice Springs and on Oz’s lowest terrace, with judges from Australian Indigenous, pastoral, mining, and Oz communities; veto power on any lease or extraction that increases erosion or reduces migratory corridors.

Every new large-scale lease or crystal operation must display, in English, Arrernte, Warlpiri, and Oz dialect, the source of the water and the names of the herders and workers who sustain it.

King Laputian signs first, his hand steady because it rests on real grass. The Arrernte elder signs second. The Warlpiri woman signs third. The mining representative signs fourth. The Scarecrow signs last—his straw hand trembling slightly, as though even he feels the weight of the promise.

The wind still carries warnings: topsoil will blow away, aquifers will fall, songlines will fade. Yet it also carries new notes: the soft thud of hooves following a restored migratory corridor, the laughter of Arrernte and Munchkin children learning rotational grazing together on a neutral rise, the quiet rustle of a Laputan scholar choosing to walk rather than float, the sound of a water-bag being refilled from a well that no longer runs dry.

Peace along this horizontal frontier is not a treaty signed in glass towers. It is a blade of grass left standing so a herd may graze again, a lease rewritten so a herder may stay, a plain whose horizon is wide enough for every horseman and every scarecrow to walk beneath the same sky.

You have stood on a plain so flat you could see tomorrow coming.

You have watched grass bend under wind and hooves and wondered who decides which herds may follow the old paths.

You have, perhaps, never met the herder whose grazing rights were signed away in a distant capital, the scholar who learned that the stars are beautiful but the grass is home, or the warrior who discovered that even a king can learn to walk.

The Borders We Share asks only one thing: the next time you look across a plain, remember there is always a ground—and that the ground remembers every hoofprint, every footprint, every promise kept or broken.

Next Tuesday we move deeper into the plains—new emerald, new dust.

I remain, as always,

Dr. Jorge

• Sovereignty Conflicts (2017).

• Territorial Disputes (2020).

• Cosmopolitanism and State Sovereignty (2023). 

• Territorial Disputes in the Americas (2025).

New posts every Tuesday.

Post 40: Narnia’s Wastes, Sudan’s Split: Kings of Nothing


Section 7: Deserts and Plains (Posts 37–42)

42, Laputa’s Dunes, Part II: Quantum Sands

State Sovereignty: Concept and Conceptions (OPEN ACCESS) (IJSL 2024)

AMAZON

ROUTLEDGE, TAYLOR & FRANCIS

Tuesday 10th February 2026

Dr Jorge Emilio Núñez

X (formerly, Twitter): https://x.com/DrJorge_World

https://drjorge.world