Showing posts with label Venezuela. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Venezuela. Show all posts

Tuesday, 5 August 2025

The Borders We Share: Utopia’s Woods, Guyana’s Gold (Post 20)

 

The Borders We Share: A New Way to Fix a Broken World

Envision Hythloday strolling through Utopia’s verdant woods, where golden dreams collide with the gritty toil of miners and farmers—then pivot to Guyana, where Indigenous stewards and gold prospectors wrestle over rivers turned to mud by mercury. These are battles over earth and wealth: land that cradles utopian ideals, legacies etched in soil and colonial scars, and a hope buried beneath the dirt of exploitation. In The Borders We Share, I’m excavating a vision: no single claimant need triumph. Share the gold, nurture the woods, and the land flourishes for all. Today, as the sun ascends on Tuesday, August 5, 2025, we journey into Utopia’s dreamscape and Guyana’s mined terrains—fantasy and reality intertwined—to explore if cooperation can unearth peace where conflict digs deep.

Utopia first drew me in as a young dreamer, captivated not just by Thomas More’s 1516 vision of a perfect society but by the tension between its lofty ideals and the earthy struggles within its borders. Hythloday, the philosopher-navigator, wandering through woodlands where harmony meets discord, became a symbol of that duality, sparking questions about balancing dreams with the dirt of human need. In The Borders We Share, I’m tracing that spark, transforming border disputes into pathways for shared prosperity. Last week, Sherwood’s split and the Congo’s core sought green justice (Post 19). Now, we venture into Utopia’s woods and Guyana’s gold fields—forests and mines where aspiration and exploitation clash, yet where unity might sprout. Bring your lantern or pickaxe; the trail ahead glows with possibility, scented with pine and echoing with the clink of ore.

First, let’s enter Utopia—a fictional realm inspired by More’s vision, reimagined with fresh depth. Picture a land where towering pines and oaks rise toward a dawn-kissed sky, their roots anchoring a society built on communal ideals. Hythloday, wise traveler and mediator, guides with a staff that traces paths through woods sustaining farmers like Mara, who tills soil for communal harvests, and miners like Torin, who extracts gold to fund the state’s dreams. King Utopus, the founder, reigns with a decree of shared prosperity, his crown a beacon of order. Yet, cracks emerge. Mara’s fields are scarred by Torin’s mines, their runoff poisoning rivers and displacing 6,000 villagers to urban slums. Torin claims gold rights under ancient charters, Mara defends her crops with communal law, and poacher Zane strips the woods for profit, selling timber to outsiders. Conflicts ignite—fields wither, rivers choke with silt, trees fall—costing Utopia $12 million annually (Utopian Treasury) and fracturing its utopian promise. Can Hythloday and Utopus reconcile these divides without the land crumbling?

Now, cross to Guyana—a 214,969-square-kilometer expanse along South America’s northern coast, bordered by Venezuela, Brazil, and Suriname. Its borders bear colonial scars from Dutch, British, and French claims, formalized by the 1899 Paris Arbitral Award that delineated British Guiana (now Guyana) from Venezuela, though Venezuela’s claim persists. Gold, a $1.2 billion industry (Guyana Geology and Mines Commission, 2024), sustains 40% of the population through mining and farming. Indigenous groups—Akawaio, Arawak, Macushi—steward forests and rivers, their lives threatened by 15 tons of mercury annually from 12,000 artisanal miners (Global Witness, 2023). Since 2015, gold production surged to 137,842 ounces in 2024, yet deforestation claims 1,200 km² yearly (Guyana Forestry Commission), displacing 15,000 Indigenous people (UNDP, 2024). This mirrors Utopia’s strife, scaled to a real-world resource dispute fueled by historical entitlement and modern greed.

These aren’t mere land grabs—they’re tapestries of human aspiration, historical burdens, and power’s pull. My Territorial Disputes in the Americas (2025, Chapter 7) frames them as, on the surface, resource disputes, where agents like Guyana and Venezuela wield similar bargaining power, unlike cases dominated by strong external players like the United States. The agents: in Utopia, Mara’s farmers seek sustenance, Torin’s miners chase wealth, and Zane’s poachers exploit; in Guyana, Akawaio farmers cultivate, Macushi hunters gather, and miners dig. The context weaves colonial roots—Britain’s 1814 occupation of Essequibo and the 1899 Award ignored Indigenous lands, treating them as terra nullius, while Venezuela’s 1962 claim hinges on historical entitlement (Geneva Agreement, 1966). Modern dynamics add tension: Utopus craves order to uphold his vision, Guyana’s government pushes mining for 8% GDP growth (IMF, 2024), and outsiders—Dutch traders, ExxonMobil ($55 billion oil deal, 2024)—stir the pot. The issues at stake—economic value, Indigenous ties, strategic location—mirror Chapter 7’s typology.

My Sovereignty Conflicts (2017, Chapter 7) uncovers the drivers. In Utopia, Utopus flexes prestige to maintain harmony, while in Guyana, leaders like Irfaan Ali leverage gold for political clout, backed by foreign investment. Colonial legacies run deep—Britain’s 1814 cession and the 1899 Award, contested by Venezuela, reflect a lack of demarcation common in the Americas (Chapter 7). The UNCLOS redefinition of EEZs and new technologies amplify resource stakes, as noted in Chapter 7’s Central America and Caribbean analysis. International law nods to Indigenous rights (UN 2007 Declaration), but Guyana’s 2006 Amerindian Act and Venezuela’s claims clash, sidelining effective occupation. The land churns with states, tribes, NGOs, and corporations, pulling a resource-rich thread taut with tension.

My 2017 egalitarian shared sovereignty offers a path. Imagine Hythloday, Mara, Torin, and Zane, rank aside, asking, “What’s fair?” They’d divide it—farming rights for Mara, mining zones for Torin, timber trade for Zane, with the strong aiding the weak. Four principles: equal voices, roles by skill, rewards by effort, and the powerful lift the vulnerable. In Guyana, Akawaio could farm, Macushi hunt, miners refine, with profits funding clinics. My Cosmopolitanism (2023, Chapter 6) adds depth—agents (tribes, Georgetown), contexts (colonial echoes, global markets), realms (ethics, survival)—a dance where Utopia’s gold rush stems from ambition, Guyana’s from necessity, echoing Chapter 7’s multidimensional lens.

A winner-takes-all approach erodes the land, leaving all poorer. In Utopia, a war between Mara, Torin, and Zane withers fields, poisons rivers, and fells trees—6,000 displaced, $12 million lost yearly (Utopian Treasury). In Guyana, unchecked mining leaches 15 tons of mercury annually (Global Witness, 2023), deforestation claims 1,200 km² (Guyana Forestry Commission), and 15,000 Indigenous people lose homes (UNDP, 2024), costing $150 million in ecosystem services (World Bank, 2024). Yet, sharing can amplify yields, a principle I tested in 2017 with Kashmir’s water and job-sharing. My Territorial Disputes in the Americas (2025, Chapter 7) highlights peaceful resolutions in the Americas, like Ecuador-Peru’s 1998 Brasilia Agreement, suggesting third-party assistance boosts success. A 2024 Guyana survey (Ministry of Indigenous Affairs) shows 70% support balanced resource use, echoing Utopia’s communal spirit.

Gather under Utopia’s pines, where Hythloday, Utopus, Mara, Torin, and Zane convene. Hythloday, staff in hand, begins. “Utopia thrives on sharing—let’s zone the woods and mines.” Utopus, crown gleaming, frowns. “My decree owns this land—gold funds our glory!” Mara, hoe raised, cries, “Your mines ruin my fields—6,000 suffer!” Torin, pickaxe resting, retorts, “Your crops clog my shafts—gold builds schools!” Zane, axe poised, laughs. “Your fights leave timber for me—why share?” Enter Cheddi Jagan, Guyana’s independence hero, his voice steady. “In 1966, we shared power to free Guyana—gold can unite us.” Forbes Burnham, former president, counters, “Unity needs control—my 1970s nationalization proved it.” Janet Jagan, Cheddi’s widow and leader, adds, “Control with equity—my 1990s reforms balanced growth.”

The debate deepens. Hythloday proposes, “Zone it—Mara farms north, Torin mines south, Zane trades timber, I mediate. Split gold 50-30-20.” Utopus resists. “The crown takes half—order demands it!” Jagan replies, “Order without equity fails—Guyana’s 1966 Geneva Agreement sought balance.” Burnham argues, “Balance weakens us—control fueled my bauxite boom.” Janet Jagan suggests, “Strength with fairness—my policies lifted the poor.” Mara nods, “If fields thrive, I’ll share harvests.” Torin muses, “If mines prosper, I’ll clean rivers.” Zane relents, “If profits hold, I’ll replant.” Hythloday smiles. “See? The land yields more when we cooperate, as Chapter 7’s guarantors showed.”

In Guyana, this scales up. Akawaio could farm the north, Macushi hunt the south, miners refine in the east, with $1.2 billion in gold (GGMC, 2024) funding schools and clean water. History offers hope—Utopia’s ideals stood centuries; Guyana’s tribes thrived before Dutch claims. The 1899 Award’s guarantors (U.S., UK) stabilized borders; third-party oversight, as in Ecuador-Peru (Chapter 7), could ensure trust. Indigenous voices rise—Guyana’s Toshau leaders gain ground, echoing Chapter 7’s multi-ethnic shifts. Guyana’s wealth—gold, timber, carbon—demands inclusion. Zone it for farming, mining, and trade, and the land prospers, a testament to equity over exploitation.

Critics sharpen their edges: “Sovereignty stands alone—sharing’s a fantasy.” In Utopia’s council, Utopus slams his scepter. “My law owns these woods—sharing undermines me!” Mara crosses her arms. “Your mines poison us—trust is a lie!” Torin scowls. “Your fields block my gold—cooperation fails!” Zane laughs, axe raised. “Your rules cut my gain—why bend?” In Guyana, the government defends mining leases (Guyana Lands and Surveys Commission, 2024), razing 1,200 km² despite protests, backed by 65% rural support (2023 election). Power rules—royal writ in Utopia, state might in Georgetown. Leaders thrive on strife—Utopus’s prestige, Ali’s growth agenda. Outsiders muddy it—Dutch traders, ExxonMobil’s $55 billion oil deal (2024). Indigenous claims lag—the UN’s 2007 Declaration isn’t binding, ICJ upholds 1899 borders (Chapter 7). Who’d trust? A valid challenge—my 2017 fix needs faith, scarce amid grudges.

Yet the council debates. Hythloday leans in. “Sovereignty bends—Utopia’s fields once shared.” Utopus snaps, “Bend to chaos? Never!” Jagan’s spirit flares. “In 1966, Guyana bent for freedom—sharing worked via Geneva.” Burnham counters, “Freedom needs power—my 1970s grip saved us.” Janet Jagan interjects, “Power with justice—my 1997 leadership eased tensions.” Mara softens, “If fields heal, I’ll try.” Torin muses, “If gold flows, I’ll consider.” Zane grumbles, “If trade holds, I’ll bend.” Utopus relents, “If glory shines, I’ll yield.” Hythloday nods. “Trust grows from need, as Chapter 7’s regional guarantors proved.”

Sovereignty isn’t absolute—it’s negotiated. My Territorial Disputes in the Americas (2025, Chapter 7) shows Gibraltar’s UK adapting to EU ties, Ecuador-Peru settling with guarantors. Guyana’s 1899 Award held with support; cooperation can too. Latin America shifts—Venezuela’s Indigenous rise, Guyana’s Toshau gain voice—cracking colonial molds. In 2017, I bet on reason—Utopia’s folk sought harmony; Guyana’s tribes (70% favor rights, 2024 UNDP) want life. My Cosmopolitanism (2023, Chapter 6) weaves it—Kashmir’s jobs trumped flags; Guyana’s gold could too. Sharing’s no illusion—it’s a graft, cutting waste for growth, tested by dialogue in Utopia’s woods and Guyana’s mines.

Utopia’s woods and Guyana’s gold aren’t distant—they’re in your world. A farmer’s child in Utopia hungers as fields fail; an Akawaio elder in Guyana breathes dust, his river poisoned by mining. The Borders We Share offers a chance to unearth justice—share the gold, not the fight. Next Tuesday, Post 21 explores new terrains. I’m Dr. Jorge, crafting this into a book you’ll hold. Visit https://drjorge.world or X (https://x.com/DrJorge_World )—let’s dig this vision together, from Utopia’s dreams to Guyana’s dirt, shaping a world where borders unite and land thrives for all.

• Núñez, J.E. (2017). Sovereignty Conflicts (Ch. 6, 7). 

• Núñez, J.E. (2020). Territorial Disputes (Ch. 9). 

• Núñez, J.E. (2023). Cosmopolitanism and State Sovereignty (Ch. 6). 

• Núñez, J.E. (2025). Territorial Disputes in the Americas (Ch. 7).

New posts every Tuesday.

Post 19: Sherwood’s Split, Congo’s Core: Green Justice


Section 4: Forests and Lands

Post 21: Gor’s Jungle, Borneo’s Line: Wild Claims Tamed

Post 22: Oz’s Forests, Tasmania’s Edge: Emerald Meets Pine

Post 23: Narnia’s Trees, Amazon’s Breath: Roots of Peace

Post 24: Sherwood’s Pact, Part II: The Multiverse Grows

State Sovereignty: Concept and Conceptions (OPEN ACCESS) (IJSL 2024)

AMAZON

ROUTLEDGE, TAYLOR & FRANCIS

Tuesday 5th August 2025

Dr Jorge Emilio Núñez

X (formerly, Twitter): https://x.com/DrJorge_World

https://drjorge.world

Saturday, 15 September 2018

ASAP/JN Conference: Global Justice and Crisis [Manchester, Saturday 6th October, 9:30am-5pm]

ASAP/JN Conference: Global Justice and Crisis [Manchester, Saturday 6th October, 9:30am-5pm]
 
An event jointly organised by Yale's ASAP (Academics Stand Against Poverty) and Juris North. Please find the provisional programme attached.
 
We have representatives of 10+ countries. This conference will bring together academics (law, political sciences, philosophy, sociology, etc.), non-governmental organisations and activists to present, explore, and discuss ways in which we may address worldwide current issues by means of global justice. The aim of the conference is to provide a forum for debate over some key issues (poverty, access, dispute resolution and terrorism) ranging between particular case studies to their  global impact, and including analysis of political, sociological, legal, policy, and everyday conceptualizations. The conference will provide a forum to analyse developments, and seek to discern underlying social, legal and political processes to address them
FYI we'll have BSL (British Sign Language) interpreters .
 
Provisional Programme
 



 
 
Free event ticket (please book in advance for this event since there is limited availability). Select the first choice from the drop down menu:


Jorge Emilio Núñez

Twitter: @London1701

15th September 2018

Friday, 4 May 2018

Open letter to the people and governments of Latin America



Latin America for the Latin Americans: the case of Venezuela

The crisis in Venezuela is already spilling across the borders and putting pressure on neighbouring governments, such as Colombia and Brazil, and researchers at The University of Manchester have predicted that Venezuela’s recent election will provoke further regional migration crises. Latin American leaders need to understand this humanitarian crisis as a regional problem and come together to explore ways of protecting Venezuelans and deal with it regionally, without the interference of non-Latin American States.
 

Latin America for the Latin Americans

This regional and multilateral approach has its basis in the Monroe Doctrine, also known as “America for the Americans”, which is embodied in the legal framework of the Rio Treaty and the Organisation of American States (OAS). This doctrine was first proclaimed in 1823 by the United States President, James Monroe, to protect the newly independent Latin American states from European interventionist and recolonising plans.

Since this time, and especially during the Cold War, the doctrine has been interpreted differently to support interventions in Latin America to protect regional interests, ranging from unilateral interventions by the United States to multilateral interventions supported by the OAS. In Venezuelan’s current climate, this doctrine needs to be invoked in a way that reflects the principles stipulated in its original form: the political and territorial inviolability of Latin-American nations and non-intervention by powers outside the Latin-American hemisphere. Invoking the doctrine in this way would, perhaps, be better understood as “Latin-America for the Latin-Americans”.


Public International Law

Traditional public international law regards States as equal legal entities. The Charter of the United Nations (article 2.4) and the Charter of the OAS (articles 17 and 20) expressly state that the territory of a State is inviolable and that States shall refrain from resorting to threats or use of force between them. However, the most recent principles of public international law of responsibility to protect and of humanitarian intervention allow the use of force, under certain requirements, against sovereign States to protect civilians from violations of their human rights.

Despite the good intentions of the new international law institutions, there are several cases in which classical powers have used force with seemingly justifiable ends, but which resulted in the legitimisation of neo-colonial actions on less powerful States. Examples such as Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan clearly show that, despite human rights-based justifications, interventions by States outside the region, far from achieving peace and international and local security, aggravated the situation both internally and regionally.

So how can we honour the principles of territorial integrity, equality amongst sovereign States, and the responsibility to protect without legitimising dubious interventions?


 
The Peruvian Solution

Early in 2017, the Peruvian government created the Temporary Permit of Permanence (PTP) to protect the rights of Venezuelans who have been forced to migrate because of the political and humanitarian crisis in their country. More than 11,000 Venezuelans received the PTP between February and July 2017.  The PTP allows Venezuelans who have entered Peru legally to legitimise their stay in the country, enabling them to work and access services such as health and education, and even to revalidate university degrees. It also allows them to obtain a Unique Taxpayer Registry Number (RUC) to carry out economic activities and make tax contributions. The PTP is initially valid for one year but can be extended to give Venezuelans the opportunity to qualify for citizenship. This initiative substantially improves the living conditions of Venezuelan migrants.


The PTP is consistent with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights’ (IACHR) recommendations, which urge American states to implement measures to protect Venezuelan migrants. Therefore, the PTP upholds the principle of equality and non-discrimination in its protection of the rights of Venezuelan migrants in Peru.

The IACHR has held up the PTP as an example for the region and has urged other OAS member states to adopt similar measures within a framework of shared responsibility. Colombia has now followed suit and approved a Special Permit of Permanence (PEP) for Venezuelans who entered the country legally.

The PTP is an intermediate solution which respects Venezuela’s territorial integrity and national sovereignty whilst ensuring both the protection of human rights and non-interference of agents from outside the Latin-American region. We ask the people in Latin-American region and our governments to follow in the footsteps of Peru and Colombia and collectively secure the wellbeing of our brothers and sisters in Venezuela.



Dawid Bunikowski (Poland)

Jasminka Hasanbegovic (Serbia)

Assya Ostroukh (Barbados)

Roxana Cortina (Perú)

Slavomira Hencekova (Slovakia)

Hellen Parra Florez (Colombia)

Nicola Dimitri (Italy)

Verónica Ichinousqui (Argentina)

Stanley Paulson

(United States)

Philip Edwards (United Kingdom)

William Lucy (United Kingdom)

Pamela Rodríguez (México)

Nuno Ferreira (Portugal)

Leonardo Marchettoni (Italy)

Verónica Rodríguez Blanco (Venezuela)

Patricia Glym Sylva Coelho de Souza (Brazil)

Eleonora Montes Lagunes (México)

Monika Zalewska (Poland)

Gerardo Alberto Gracia Pérez (México)

Jorge Emilio Núñez (Argentina)

 

May 2018

Twitter: @London1701
 
NOTE: the reader may disseminate. Please help us share with your network and social media (e.g., Facebook, Twitter, Reddit, Google Plus, LinkedIn, Academia, etc.). THANKS.

Carta abierta a los pueblos y gobiernos de América Latina


América Latina para los latinoamericanos: el caso de Venezuela
 
La crisis en Venezuela ya se está extendiendo a través de las fronteras y está ejerciendo presión sobre los gobiernos vecinos, tales como Colombia y Brasil. Al respecto investigadores de la Universidad de Manchester han pronosticado que las recientes elecciones de Venezuela provocarán nuevas crisis migratorias. Los líderes latinoamericanos deben entender esta crisis humanitaria como un problema regional y unirse para explorar formas de proteger a los venezolanos y hacer frente a esta situación sin la interferencia de Estados no latinoamericanos
 
América Latina para los latinoamericanos

Este enfoque regional y multilateral tiene su base en la Doctrina Monroe, también conocida como "América para los americanos", que está incorporada en el marco legal del Tratado de Río y la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA). Esta doctrina fue proclamada por primera vez en 1823 por el presidente de los Estados Unidos, James Monroe, para proteger a los Estados latinoamericanos recién independizados de los planes intervencionistas y recolonizadores europeos.

Desde entonces, y especialmente durante la Guerra Fría, la doctrina ha sido interpretada de manera diferente para apoyar las intervenciones en América Latina para proteger los intereses regionales, desde intervenciones unilaterales de los Estados Unidos hasta intervenciones multilaterales respaldadas por la OEA. En el clima actual venezolano, esta doctrina debe ser invocada de una manera que refleje los principios estipulados en su forma original: la inviolabilidad política y territorial de las naciones latinoamericanas y la no intervención de las potencias fuera del hemisferio latinoamericano. Invocar la doctrina de esta manera, quizás, se entendería mejor como "América Latina para los latinoamericanos."
 
Derecho Internacional Público
 

El derecho internacional público tradicional considera a los Estados como entidades jurídicas iguales. La Carta de las Naciones Unidas (artículo 2.4) y la Carta de la OEA (artículos 17 y 20) expresamente declaran que el territorio de un Estado es inviolable y que los Estados deben abstenerse de recurrir a amenazas o uso de la fuerza entre ellos. Sin embargo, los principios más recientes del derecho internacional público de la responsabilidad de proteger y de la intervención humanitaria permiten el uso de la fuerza, bajo ciertos requisitos, contra los Estados soberanos para proteger a los civiles de las violaciones de sus derechos humanos.


A pesar de las buenas intenciones de las nuevas instituciones de derecho internacional, hay varios casos en que los poderes clásicos han utilizado la fuerza con fines aparentemente justificables, pero que han dado como resultado la legitimación de acciones neocoloniales en Estados menos poderosos. Ejemplos como Siria, Iraq y Afganistán muestran claramente que, a pesar de las justificaciones basadas en los derechos humanos, las intervenciones de los Estados fuera de la región, lejos de lograr la paz y la seguridad internacional y local, agravan la situación tanto interna como regionalmente.

Entonces, ¿cómo podemos honrar los principios de integridad territorial, la igualdad entre los Estados soberanos y la responsabilidad de proteger sin legitimar las intervenciones dudosas?

La solución peruana

A principios de 2017, el gobierno peruano creó el Permiso Temporal de Permanencia (PTP) para proteger los derechos de los venezolanos que se han visto obligados a migrar debido a la crisis política y humanitaria en su país. Más de 11,000 venezolanos recibieron el PTP entre febrero y julio de 2017. El PTP les permite a los venezolanos que ingresaron legalmente a Perú legitimar su estadía en el país, permitiéndoles trabajar y acceder a servicios como salud y educación e incluso revalidar títulos universitarios. También les permite obtener un Número Único de Registro del Contribuyente (RUC) para llevar a cabo actividades económicas y hacer contribuciones tributarias. El PTP es inicialmente válido por un año, pero se puede extender para dar a los venezolanos la oportunidad de calificar para la ciudadanía. Esta iniciativa mejora sustancialmente las condiciones de vida de los migrantes venezolanos.

El PTP es consistente con las recomendaciones de la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CIDH), que instan a los estados americanos a implementar medidas para proteger a los migrantes venezolanos. Por lo tanto, el PTP defiende el principio de igualdad y no discriminación en la protección de los derechos de los migrantes venezolanos en el Perú.

La CIDH ha considerado al PTP como un ejemplo para la región y ha instado a otros Estados miembros de la OEA a adoptar medidas similares dentro de un marco de responsabilidad compartida. Colombia recientemente ha hecho lo mismo y ha aprobado un Permiso Especial de Permanencia (PEP) para los venezolanos que ingresaron legalmente al país.

El PTP es una solución intermedia que respeta la integridad territorial y la soberanía nacional de Venezuela, al tiempo que garantiza tanto la protección de los derechos humanos como la no intervención de agentes externos a la región latinoamericana. Por este intermedio, pedimos a los pueblos de la región y a nuestros gobiernos que sigan los pasos de Perú y Colombia y que, colectivamente, realicen acciones comprometidas destinadas a asegurar el bienestar de nuestros hermanos y hermanas de Venezuela. 
 


Dawid Bunikowski (Poland)
Jasminka Hasanbegovic (Serbia)

Assya Ostroukh (Barbados)

Roxana Cortina (Perú)

Slavomira Hencekova (Slovakia)

Hellen Parra Florez (Colombia)

Nicola Dimitri (Italy)

Verónica Ichinousqui (Argentina)

Stanley Paulson

(United States)

Philip Edwards (United Kingdom)

William Lucy (United Kingdom)

Pamela Rodríguez (México)

Nuno Ferreira (Portugal)

Leonardo Marchettoni (Italy)

Verónica Rodríguez Blanco (Venezuela)

Patricia Glym Sylva Coelho de Souza (Brazil)

Eleonora Montes Lagunes (México)

Monika Zalewska (Poland)

Gerardo Alberto Gracia Pérez (México)

Jorge Emilio Núñez (Argentina)

 

Mayo de 2018


Twitter: @London1701

NOTA: de libre difusión para el lector. Ayúdenos compartiendo con su entorno y por  medios de comunicación social (e.g., Facebook, Twitter, Reddit, Google Plus, LinkedIn, Academia, etc.). GRACIAS.