Wednesday, 19 March 2025

The Israel-Palestine Difference: A Deepening Crisis in 2025

 

The Israel-Palestine Difference: A Deepening Crisis in 2025

The Israel-Palestine conflict, a territorial and sovereignty dispute rooted in over a century of contention, persists as a volatile clash of land, identity, and power in March 2025. My research, spanning over two decades and distilled in 25 posts from 2019-2020, predicted its resilience absent radical rethinking—warnings borne out by recent escalations. Through Sovereignty Conflicts (2017)Territorial Disputes (2020), and Cosmopolitanism and State Sovereignty (2023), I analyze the latest developments, probing justice, complexity, and pluralism, while Territorial Disputes in the Americas (forthcoming 2025) shapes expanded proposals for resolution.

On March 18, 2025, Reuters reported over 400 Palestinian deaths in Gaza from Israeli airstrikes, shattering a fragile January ceasefire—the deadliest surge since then. Al Jazeera detailed evacuation orders displacing thousands, with the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) asserting strikes hit Hamas “terror targets” (BBC, March 18). This followed Hamas’s rejection of a U.S.-proposed truce extension (BBC, March 15), amid Israel’s aid blockade (CNN, March 3)—Egypt accused Israel of “starvation” tactics (BBC, March 5). In the West Bank, 50,000 Palestinians fled Jenin and Tulkarem, fearing ethnic cleansing (Al Jazeera, March 5). The New York Times (March 17) estimated 50,000 Gaza deaths since 2023, with AI crater analysis revealing 2,000-pound bombs in civilian “safe zones”—hundreds dropped (Guardian)—yet tied to military aims, not deliberate targeting.

My posts (Parts 1-5) traced this cycle: Ottoman decline, British Mandate, and the 1947 UN Partition (Resolution 181) birthed Israel but left Palestine unrealized, setting a precedent for today’s violence. Part 6 foresaw escalation without equitable land division—400 deaths (Reuters) and 50,000 displaced (Al Jazeera) affirm this. Parts 10-15 critiqued international inertia, now evident in stalled U.S.-Hamas talks (CNN, March 6).

Legally, Israel’s 1948 borders hold UN legitimacy, but its 1967 occupation of the West Bank and Gaza breaches Resolution 242. The International Criminal Court’s (ICC) 2021 investigation into Israeli actions remains dormant—Israel, a non-signatory, rejects it (Reuters). Hamas’s October 2023 attack—1,200 killed, 251 kidnapped (Times of Israel)—and Israel’s response violate Geneva Conventions, yet accountability lags. Parts 16-20 argued legal frameworks crumble without enforcement—Netanyahu’s refusal of ceasefire Phase 2 (Independent, March 18) and Hamas’s defiance (BBC, March 15) prove this.

Politically, Netanyahu’s coalition, strengthened by Ben-Gvir’s return (Al Jazeera, March 18), favors war—70% of Israelis want peace (Channel 12, February), but U.S. support wanes (46% favor Israel, Gallup, March 11). Democrats lean Palestinian (59%), signaling a shift. Sovereignty Conflicts (2017) sees this as distributive injustice—land and rights favor Israel, with 80% of Gaza needing aid (UN). Territorial Disputes (2020) notes empirical deadlock (50,000 dead) and value clashes (security vs. self-determination).

The Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) records 39,787 Gaza deaths by July 2024, civilians outpacing fighters—Israel accepts this as “fairly accurate” (NPR, 2023), suggesting collateral damage. The UN’s March 13 report (Reuters) alleges “genocidal acts”—healthcare destruction (e.g., IVF clinic hit, no military trace)—but lacks public raw data, risking bias. The New York Times’ crater analysis (March 17) confirms heavy bombs in populated areas, yet IDF’s 7,000 targets (NYT) tie to Hamas, not civilians. Parts 21-25 predicted this—advanced warfare disproportionately harms civilians—now a grim reality.

X posts reflect polarization—“Gaza Holocaust” cries (March 7) lack stats, while a 2024 Henry Jackson Society study claims inflated deaths—neither March-specific. Cosmopolitanism and State Sovereignty (2023) frames this as a multi-agent tangle—U.S., Israel, Hamas, UN—where narratives distort truth.

My posts (Parts 10-15) flagged UN bias and weakness—2025 confirms this. Resolution 181 failed to establish Palestine, and 2024 Gaza resolutions target Israel (Al Jazeera), vetoed by the U.S. The March 13 UN report (Reuters) lacks data transparency—Israel calls it baseless (ABC News). Aid faltered (Al Jazeera, March 10), with Houthis’ Red Sea threats (March 7) and Russia’s Syria focus (Reuters, March 13) bypassing UN efforts. Sovereignty Conflicts (2017) decries this—50,000 displaced (Al Jazeera)—while Territorial Disputes (2020) notes vetoes and power bargaining (U.S.-Israel ties) render it impotent.

Parts 6-9 warned of narrative wars—2025 amplifies this. Hamas claims U.S. threats shield Israel (BBC, March 18), but offers no evidence. IDF asserts precision (7,000 targets, NYT), yet 50,000 deaths (NYT) suggest excess—ACLED’s 39,787 (July 2024) and crater data (NYT) tie to military strikes, not proven civilian targeting. Territorial Disputes (2020) demands empirical rigor—current evidence lacks intent’s smoking gun, despite UN and Hamas claims.

The Israel-Palestine difference exposes the current order’s collapse—centralized bodies like the UN fail, as Parts 23-25 predicted. Cosmopolitanism and State Sovereignty (2023) urges multi-agent solutions; Territorial Disputes in the Americas (forthcoming 2025) refines this into a multidimensional approach: regional organizations and guarantors over a biased, paralyzed UN. The Arab League could mediate—its 2002 Peace Initiative offered normalization for 1967 borders, ignored then, but viable now with Egypt’s 2025 clout (BBC, March 5). Jordan, hosting 2 million Palestinians, could co-guarantor a shared Jerusalem zone, easing religious strife (Parts 17-19). Co-sovereignty—joint West Bank enclaves or Gaza maritime control—could distribute land and resources, as Sovereignty Conflicts (2017) envisions, balancing Israel’s security (70% public will, Channel 12) and Palestine’s survival (80% aid need, UN).

This demands mindset shifts—Israel’s coalition resists (Al Jazeera, March 18), and Hamas’s militancy (BBC, March 15) rigidifies lines. Regional actors—unlike the UN’s veto-laden Council—know stakes: Egypt’s starvation critique (BBC) and Qatar’s prior talks (2023) show capacity. Territorial Disputes (2020) favors adaptability—temporary truces over rigid treaties—while Cosmopolitanism and State Sovereignty (2023) sees pluralist coalitions (Arab League, EU) rooting peace locally. The UN’s 1945 model—state-centric, power-skewed—can’t handle 2025’s hybrid dynamics (Hamas, settlers); regional guarantors offer a pragmatic pivot.

The Israel-Palestine difference in 2025—400 dead (Reuters, March 18), 50,000 since 2023 (NYT), ceasefire in ashes—mirrors my two-decade research: justice skews (80% Gaza aid crisis, UN), complexity entrenches (50,000 displaced, Al Jazeera), and pluralism fractures (U.S.-Hamas rift, CNN). My posts foresaw this—Parts 1-5 rooted it historically, Parts 6-15 exposed legal-political rot, Parts 16-25 urged new lenses. Evidence ties civilian tolls to military aims (7,000 targets, NYT)—not proven targeting—yet manipulation clouds truth (UN’s data gaps, Reuters). The current order fails—Sovereignty Conflicts (2017) demands equity, Territorial Disputes (2020) adaptability, Cosmopolitanism and State Sovereignty (2023) multi-agent hope. Territorial Disputes in the Americas (forthcoming 2025) charts the exit: regional guarantors, co-sovereignty—paths to break this cycle, if rigid mindsets yield. My posts below—free online, royalties donated—trace this enduring fault line; readers can join this reimagining.


My series, The Borders We Share, launched March 4, 2025, probes these divides. My latest post (https://drjorge.world/2025/03/11/the-borders-we-share-khemeds-oil-crimeas-shadow-post-2/) ties Crimea’s 2014 shadow—2 million under Russia—to Ukraine’s fight, blending fiction (Khemed’s oil) and reality. I advocate co-sovereignty to heal—readers are invited to explore these shared edges, from Black Sea to Arctic, where 2025’s fate unfolds. Next week, Post #3: Sherlock’s Docks, Ireland’s Edge: Clues to Equal Ground (i.e. Imagine Sherlock Holmes untangling a dockside brawl over fish and fog—then picture Northern Ireland’s border after Brexit, a real-life riddle of fences and feelings).

State Sovereignty: Concept and Conceptions (OPEN ACCESS) (IJSL 2024)

AMAZON

ROUTLEDGE, TAYLOR & FRANCIS

Wednesday 19th March 2025

Dr Jorge Emilio Núñez

X (formerly, Twitter): https://x.com/DrJorge_World

https://drjorge.world

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