Wednesday, 19 December 2018

Tuesday, 18 December 2018

Monday, 17 December 2018

Territorial disputes: Final Recap 2018 (1) [Post 191]


With 200 posts this year, the blog series TERRITORIAL DISPUTES covered conceptual elements, law and politics, and several of the most relevant worldwide differences: Kashmir, Crimea, Gibraltar, Falkland/Malvinas islands, the South China Sea, Northern Ireland, the Persian Gulf, the Israel-Palestine case, and many others.

The last posts this year include a recap of all this by including daily the links to all what we have done so far.

Posts 1 to 10
Territorial disputes, conceptual elements, law and politics

Post 1 Territorial disputes: introduction

Post 2: Territorial Disputes, State and Sovereignty

Post 3: State and its elements. Population

Post 4: State and its elements. Territory

Post 5: State and its elements. Government

Post 6: State and its elements. Law

Post 7: Territorial disputes: sovereignty

Post 8: Territorial disputes: sovereignty (cont.)

POST 9: Territorial disputes: issues at stake

POST 10: Territorial disputes: remedies

Jorge Emilio Núñez
Twitter: @London1701
17th December 2018

Friday, 14 December 2018

Territorial disputes: The Persian Gulf (Part 30) [Post 190]


The longstanding and still unresolved TERRITORIAL DISPUTES in the Persian Gulf have several dimensions. The current nomenclature in legal and political sciences used the term TERRITORIAL DISPUTE. Yet, the disputes in the Persian Gulf are a clear example of an ongoing differences that have to do with territory as well as population, government and law domestically, regionally and internationally.

This blog series TERRITORIAL DISPUTES originally aimed only to briefly introduce conceptual elements (first ten posts of the series) and thereafter present a succinct overview of relevant and current examples.
Before we covered the differences in the Persian Gulf, we had addressed Kashmir, the Malvinas/Falkland islands, Gibraltar, the Israel-Palestine case, and many others. The plan was to write and publish only ten posts (like with the rest of the case studies) for the Persian Gulf region. Thanks to the comments made by one of our readers, I decided to extend the assessment of this particular case study.

Because of the nature of this series and its platform (a blog), I have covered the basis in relation to the differences in the Persian Gulf and the application of the EGALITARIAN SHARED SOVEREIGNTY to evaluate a solution. However, there are questions that are more complex and more serious problems to address. I am addressing these questions with future dedicated research. To give an answer to these points deserve a more in-depth analysis that will have to include technicalities in terms of statistical information, methodology and content based on the disciplines of reference. In addition to this, I do my best to keep this blog series as accessible as possible for anybody (at least, most people) to be able to get a grasp and participate in the discussion.

Having said that, the last 29 posts have enabled us to:
  • Be familiar with a brief historical chronology.
  • Distinguish historical facts from religious account.
  • Understand some key domestic, regional and international reasons behind this difference.
  • Introduce the concept of “colourable claim” and explore three different grounds: historical entitlement, legal basis and moral standing. Its main outcome is that both Israelis and Palestinians ought to be part of any negotiation concerning the sovereignty (de jure and de facto) over the disputes territories.
  • Introduce the solutions presented in recent years by the United States, United Nations and Arab League.
  • Learn that all the aforementioned solutions suggest explicitly or implicitly partition and/or the interference of non-regional parties.
  • Evaluate by means of an abstract experiment how the EGALITARIAN SHARED SOVEREIGNTY may solve the difference and could materialize.


With all this in mind, three main partial conclusions leave the door open for future reflection and analysis:
  1. Sovereignty of the disputed territories should not be totally in the hands of only one of the claiming parties either Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, or the United Arab Emirates.
  2. If existing conditions in terms of sovereignty continue, they will only perpetuate a status quo and therefore, a legal and political limbo securing only one result: a volatile area in many ways.
  3. United Nations or any other party alien to the dispute (for example, United States, United Kingdom, Russia, Arab League) should not interfere.

There is nothing completely unresolvable if we look together for a solution. Indeed, if we choose not to solve the difference and we do not look for ways to move forward we are not going to find it. It is usually the case in this kind of differences that victory for one party means the other party has to suffer. When we shift the focus, and understand we are all human beings and we are all fathers and mothers, sons and daughters, brothers and sisters doing our best to let our future generations live in a better world we may have a chance. It is not only up to Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, or the United Arab Emirates. It is up to all of us.

For an interactive map of TERRITORIAL DISPUTES see


For current information about TERRITORIAL DISPUTES see CIA’s The World Factbook at:


Jorge Emilio Núñez
Twitter: @London1701
14th December 2018

Thursday, 13 December 2018

Territorial disputes: The Persian Gulf (Part 29) [Post 189]


The Persian Gulf and controversial borders
Borders are volatile (to say the least) in the already tense Persian Gulf region. With communities presenting very different living standards and the myriad of checkpoints the situation deteriorates on an ongoing basis. Recent events are self-evident.

A general approach previously used in the region (and in many others around the world by former colonial powers imposing them to former colonies) has to do with partition solutions. They work under the assumption that the hostilities between opposing ethnic groups makes it impossible for them to live peacefully together in a single state (Haklai and Loizides, ed., 2015). There are many reasons to disagree with the partition solution. For an academic reference see for example Laitin (2004), Sambanis (2000), Sambanis and Schulhofer-Wohl (2009), and others.

The EGALITARIAN SHARED SOVEREIGNTY may rule out extreme situations such as:
  • Sovereignty of the disputed territories to be totally in the hands of only one of the claiming parties.


  • Existing sovereignty should automatically continue, or that everything should remain in a status quo.



  • The intervention of the United Nations or any other party alien to the dispute. Several problems immediately arise.

United Nations (UN): although UN aims to grant sovereign equality amongst the States its own system reveals a contradiction: veto power in the Security Council is only granted to certain sovereign States.
This may be translated (in the perception of at least one of claiming parties) as an unbalanced and unfair starting point to have negotiations, and with a predictable result.
Not only does the Security Council present these problems but also other UN organizations. Even the UN General Assembly, at first glance a fair environment for sovereign States to participate in, has been regarded as ineffective or irredeemably biased because of the different bargaining powers of its members.
Finally, in cases of contested sovereignty over populated territories, stateless people are not UN members.
Other parties: in terms of other parties alien to the dispute (for example, the United States, the United Kingdom, Russia, China) history is self-evident in demonstrating their policies in the region have been far from successful, have taken little care about the local population and their needs, and have been more (only) centered on their geostrategic domestic policies rather than taking Israel and Palestine into consideration.

In brief, in order to acknowledge the controversial features the EGALITARIAN SHARED SOVEREIGNTY advises to remove the borders and any checkpoints in the disputed territories. As we discussed when assessing population in the context of the Israel-Palestine difference a while ago in this blog series, by applying the EGALITARIAN SHARED SOVEREIGNTY, the inhabitants of the disputed territories would be citizens of both bordering sovereign states, they would have a common passport valid in the disputed territories. In terms of religion, as the second pre-requisite recognizes basic non-political liberties, freedom of movement and residence would be adopted at a constitutional level. The lexically prior prerequisite of non-political liberties controls this.

Jorge Emilio Núñez
Twitter: @London1701
13th December 2018

Wednesday, 12 December 2018

Territorial disputes: The Persian Gulf (Part 28) [Post 188]


The Persian Gulf, territorial disputes and the historical entitlement
In reviewing TERRITORIAL DISPUTES in the Persian Gulf, we centered the attention yesterday on historical entitlement arguments. It is often the case Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates base their claims on historical, legal, political, cultural and geographical evidence.

The just acquisition principle has been previously related to territorial sovereignty since it has been maintained that amongst the objects to which this principle is meant to be capable of applying are portions of the Earth’s surface, that is, areas of land. The main problem with this idea applied to TERRITORIAL DISPUTES is that the information required to apply this principle is not epistemically accessible in sovereignty conflicts—e.g. how far back would the agents need to investigate so as to determine who the first inhabitants of the Persian Gulf were? What would happen in the case of extinct civilisations? What about cultures that were in Ancient Times nomadic?

The principle of just acquisition may work for individuals. For States, it may solve one problem, what one has to do, i.e. mix one’s labour. But leaves several other issues unresolved—e.g. a) who did it first? b) how much each does individual own? (new problem, e.g. if someone digs, can he claim that plot, the field or the whole island?), and c) who inherits the property—the inhabitants or their ‘mother community’?

Any version of just acquisition will have the same problems: Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates will never agree on the relevant facts and the relevant test, and therefore all this principle would do is guarantee endless conflict. So, reasonable people would reject it if they wanted to achieve a peaceful and permanent solution.

Whether they have access to historical records or not is irrelevant since they would only result in endless discussion concerning historical entitlement that in most—if not all cases—is highly difficult to be demonstrated. Governments and their representatives are aware of this issue. 
More precisely, as we have seen in previous posts referred to the United States, the United Kingdom, Russia and China, non-regional states maintain the very convenient status quo to their interest by using the historical argument since they know it will not bring any changes to the current situation.

The advice here would be not to agree to rely on a principle that guarantees endless conflict, and therefore, to reject it as the principle to resolve these disputes. 
At the same time, by rejecting the historical entitlement argument, it leaves all (Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates) with an equal footing to continue the negotiations since none of them can argue a better or more robust right over the claimed territories.

Jorge Emilio Núñez
Twitter: @London1701
12th December 2018

Tuesday, 11 December 2018

Territorial disputes: The Persian Gulf (Part 27) [Post 187]



Many of the TERRITORIAL DISPUTES in the Persian Gulf have to do with non-regional states that had long ago presence in the continent by means of colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism or neo-imperialism.

In relation to the agreement on the historical account each sovereign state taking part in a sovereignty conflict is certain that it has ultimate and highest right over the disputed territory, and the use and ownership of the third territory is due to them. As a consequence, sovereignty disputes do not move from a zero-sum game.

That is because, in order to determine the initial acquisition, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, United Arab Emirates have to go back and resolve old historical claims only resulting in a practical matter: the competing agents are never going to agree on the ‘correct’ historical version of the events—i.e. the historical account is fundamentally controversial.

It is common to observe in sovereignty differences that the involved agents usually support their claims through historical, legal, political, cultural or geographical arguments—even a combination of many of them. In other words, not only will be the dispute over what the facts are but also what the relative moral significance of those facts is.

For example, one party will claim that whoever was the first one in the third territory is its owner and hence, its sovereign, and they were there first. But the opposite party disputes this, supporting their case with historical, legal, political, cultural and geographical evidence, and arguing either a) that they were there first, or b) that being first is not what makes acquisition just, but, e.g., being first to exploit its resources, or establish a community. Because all the parties argue they were the first to do what gave them a right to the third territory, an approach based on a historical account is futile for providing a solution to sovereignty disputes and the conflicts continue endlessly—e.g. arguments about the rightful sovereign of Jerusalem and surrounding areas have been present for generations. 
See for example Genesis 14: 18-20 in which Jerusalem (or Salem) has already enemies. Since Biblical times the region has been centre of disputes in relation to the rightful settlement of different populations. Should these agents go back to Biblical times in order to prove the current legitimate occupancy of the territory?

Faced with the idea of applying any kind of principle based on a historical entitlement will confront the representatives with two main problems.
First, they would need to agree upon a historical account—i.e. what actually happened, who was the first one to discover the territory, or to have a population there, etc.
Second, they would need to decide what type of act makes their claimed rights just—i.e. the first one setting foot on the territory, the first one to have a permanent settlement, etc. Besides, if there were conflicts in the past it would need to be decided whether they were just or not and whether the just side won.

The posts will continue this analysis tomorrow.

NOTE: based on Chapter 6, Núñez, Jorge Emilio. 2017. Sovereignty Conflicts and International Law and Politics: A Distributive Justice Issue. London and New York: Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group.

Jorge Emilio Núñez
Twitter: @London1701
11th December 2018