The Israel-Palestine difference and the egalitarian
shared sovereignty applied to people
With
the previous cases covered by the series TERRITORIAL DISPUTES (Kashmir, the
Falkland/Malvinas islands, and Gibraltar) we explored an ideal solution called
EGALITARIAN SHARED SOVEREIGNTY in what has to do with population, territory,
government and law.
The Israel-Palestine difference did not follow that
approach. Why? Because before going into any negotiations we had to determine
who may be a legitimate party. That issue maintains the Israel-Palestine
difference in a status quo.
The
claiming parties do not recognise reciprocally complete legitimacy to go into
any negotiations about the disputed territories. Moreover, as yesterday’s post (post
54) showed, there are many “peoples” involved (people living in Israel, people
living in Palestine, diaspora, refugees and settlers).
We introduced the concept of “colorable claim” and explored three
different grounds (posts 45 to 49): historical entitlement, legal basis and
moral standing. For one reason or another, both Israelis and Palestinians have
grounds to introduce a claim (this is different from saying they have the right
to be sovereign over these territories).
It only means both Israelis and
Palestinians ought to be part of any negotiation concerning the sovereignty (de jure and de facto) over the disputes territories.
We discussed (post 48) whether some external
populations might be seen as a third party (diaspora, refugees, settlers). We
concluded they are not a third party as that would be a misconception. Rather,
they would be part of any of the claiming parties (Israel or Palestine).
With
all this in mind, and assuming that Israel and Palestine have finally decided
to settle the difference by applying the EGALITARIAN SHARED SOVEREIGNTY it
means:
The
allocation of sovereignty will be given by:
- equal right to participate (egalitarian consensus principle);
- the nature and degree of participation depends on efficiency of accomplishing the particular objective/area/activity at issue (principle of efficiency);
- each party receives a benefit (in terms of rights and opportunities) that depends on what that party cooperates with (input-to-output ratio principle); and
- provided the party with greater ability and therefore greater initial participation rights has the obligation to bring the other two parties towards equilibrium (equilibrium proviso).
I
call this way of dealing with sovereignty conflicts or disputes the EGALITARIAN
SHARED SOVEREIGNTY.
In
terms of PEOPLE, many questions need an answer. Amongst them: How does it apply
to Israel and Palestine, the disputed territories, and their population? The
answer has two parts:
a) the qualitative differences amongst the parties;
b)
the real concerns of the inhabitants.
The
next posts on this blog series about TERRITORIAL DISPUTES will cover these
questions.
NOTE:
This post is based on Jorge Emilio Núñez, “Territorial Disputes and State
Sovereignty: International Law and Politics,” London and New York: Routledge,
Taylor and Francis Group, 2020 (forthcoming)
Previous
published research monograph about territorial disputes and sovereignty by the
author, Jorge Emilio Núñez, “Sovereignty Conflicts and International Law and
Politics: A Distributive Justice Issue,” London and New York: Routledge, Taylor
and Francis Group, 2017.
NEXT
POST: The Israel-Palestine difference and how the egalitarian shared
sovereignty may work
Friday 17th January 2020
Dr Jorge Emilio Núñez
Twitter: @London1701
https://drjorge.world
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